scholarly journals TEOLOGI DIALEKTIS: BUAH TEOLOGI DARI RAHIM PERANG DUNIA PERTAMA

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Sefrianus Juhani

<p align="justify">On the one hand, the First World War was the epitome of destruction, on the other hand the war spurred humanity to think deeply and be creative. An example of human creativity, a fruit of World War I, was Dialectic Theology, a theology that counter-balances and corrects Liberal Theology. It corrects the concept that identifies God with the human, such that instead of humanity talking about God, humanity deifies itself. Dialectic Theology invites theologians to return to the Sacred Scriptures to rediscover the true concept of the Divine. The God of Christians is the God who is absolutely “Other”, a concept impossible for human reason to grasp. God can only be experienced in faith. Nevertheless, Dialectic Theology is not without imperfections for its theological model excessively absolutizes God. This tendency results in Dialectic Theology falling into a similar fault as Liberal Theology. Liberal Theology falls into anthropomorphism, while Dialectic Theology falls into theocentrism. It also ignors other theological sources, namely tradition and context. Contextual theologies are a reaction to Dialectic Theology. <b>Keywords:</b> dialectic theology, liberal theology, otherness, justification, religion, war. Di satu sisi, perang berdaya menghancurkan, pada sisi lain, ia memacu manusia untuk berpikir dan berkreasi. Salah satu kreasi manusia, sebagai buah dari perang Dunia I adalah Teologi dialektis. Teologi dialektis merupakan teologi yang muncul untuk mengoreksi Teologi Liberal. Hal yang dikoreksi adalah konsep tentang Allah yang bersifat antropomorfistis. Allah disamakan dengan manusia. Di sini, manusia alih-alih berbicara tentang Allah, padahal yang terjadi adalah ia yang meng-allah-kan dirinya. Terhadap realitas ini, Teologi dialektis meminta para teolog untuk kembali kepada Kitab Suci. Sebab konsep mengenai Allah yang benar ada di sana. Allah Kristen bukan Allah seperti yang dipikirkan oleh teologi liberal. Allah Kristen adalah Allah “yang lain”. Allah yang berbeda secara absolut dengan manusia. Terhadap Allah macam ini, rasio manusia tidak mungkin menjangkaunya. Ia hanya bisa dialami dalam iman. Teologi dialektis bukanlah tanpa cacat. Model teologi ini terlalu mengabsolutkan Allah. Tendensi ini telah membuat teologi ini jatuh ke dalam dosa yang sama seperti teologi liberal. Dosa teologi liberal adalah antropomorfisme, sedangkan dosa Teologi dialektis adalah teosentrisme. Kekeliruan yang lain dari teologi ini adalah pengabaian sumber lain dalam berteologi, yaitu tradisi dan konteks. Teologi kontekstual merupakan tanggapan atas Teologi dialektis. <b>Kata-kata kunci:</b> teologi dialektis, teologi liberal, alteritas, pembenaran,agama, perang.</p>

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

In deze bronnenpublicatie ontleedt Luc Vandeweyer de parlementaire loopbaan van de geneesheer-politicus Alfons Van de Perre: hoe hij in 1912 feitelijk  tegen wil en dank  volksvertegenwoordiger werd, zich anderzijds blijkbaar naar behoren kweet van zijn taak en tijdens de eerste verkiezingen na de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1919) zijn mandaat hernieuwd zag maar meteen daarop ontslag nam. Volgens de bekende historiografische lezing was de abdicatie van de progressieve politicus een daad van zelfverloochening die enerzijds werd ingegeven door gezondheidsmotieven en  anderzijds was geïnspireerd door de wil om de eenheid binnen de katholieke partij te herstellen. De auteur komt op basis van nieuw en onontgonnen bronnenmateriaal tot de vaststelling dat Van de Perres spontane beslissing tot ontslag in de eerste plaats een strategische keuze was: in het parlement, waar hij zich overigens niet erg in zijn schik voelde, kon hij minder invloed uitoefenen op de Vlaamse beweging dan via de talrijke engagementen waarvoor hij voortaan de handen vrij had. Eén ervan was die van bestuurder én publicist bij het dagblad De Standaard.________Chronicle of the announcement of a resignation. Two remaekable letters by Alfons Van de Perre concerning his resignation as a Member of Parliament in 1919In this source publication Luc Vandeweyer analyses the parliamentary career of the physician-politician Alfons Van de Perre and he describes how Van de Perre became a Member of Parliament in 1912 actually against the grain, yet how he apparently did a good job carrying out his duties. During the first elections after the First World War (1919) Van de Perre found that his mandate was renewed, but he handed in his resignation immediately afterwards. According to the familiar historiographical interpretation the abdication of the progressive politician was an act of self-denial, which was prompted on the one hand by health reasons and on the other hand inspired by the will to restore unity within the Catholic political party. On the basis of new and so far unexplored source material the author concludes that the spontaneous decision by Van de Perres to hand in his resignation was above all a strategic choice: in the Parliament, which he did not much enjoy anyway, he could exert less influence on the Flemish movement than via his numerous commitments, which he was now free to take on. One of these was the post of director as well as political commentator of the newspaper De Standaard.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie Rosoux ◽  
Laurence van Ypersele

This article examines the gradual deconstruction of the Belgian national identity. Is it possible to speak of a de facto differentiation or even ‘federalization’ of the so-called ‘national past’ in Belgium? How do Belgians choose to remember and forget this past? To contribute to an understanding of these issues, the article considers two very different episodes of Belgian history, namely the First World War and the colonization of the Congo. On the one hand, the memory of the First World War appears to provide the template for memory conflicts in Belgium, and thus informs the memories of other tragedies such as the Second World War. On the other hand, the memory of the colonial past remains much more consensual – providing a more nuanced picture of competing views on the past. Beyond the differences between the ways in which these episodes are officially portrayed, the same fundamental trend may be observed: the gradual fragmentation of a supposedly smooth and reliable national version of history.


Monitor ISH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-93
Author(s):  
Ljubov Aleksejevna Kirilina

The article examines some still unexplored aspects of the Slovenian attitude to the February and October revolutions in the Russia of 1917. The research was carried out primarily on the basis of press materials – memoirs of the Slovenian patriot Tuma, which were published in twenty issues of a Trieste newspaper, Edinost, in 1919. Tuma’s notes are very important sources for studying this topic, in particular because he was the only Slovenian intellectual and patriot who spent almost the entire time of the First World War, from 1914 to 1918, in Petrograd. He was also the only Slovenian who had access to the Russian government. The goal of the study is to reveal the peculiarities of the Slovenian perception of Russian reality during the two revolutions and to assess the objectivity of Tuma’s attempts at analysis. The conclusion is that, although he was an eyewitness of great events, his judgments cannot be regarded as completely objective. On the other hand, the publication of Tuma’s memoirs undoubtedly helped to shape a matrix of Slovenian notions about Tsarist and Bolshevik Russia.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Sinichenko ◽  
◽  
Galina Tokarevа ◽  

The article states that in the conditions of war, first the royal government, then the provisional government, moved to impose fixed food prices. The introduction of «firm prices» for food products has caused shortages. The shortage of goods led on the one hand to hyperinflation and depreciation of money, on the other hand to the growth of smuggling operations and saturation of the Far East market with smuggled food from abroad.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-88
Author(s):  
Elise Julien

Abstract At the end of the First World War, the memories of the conflict which developed in France and Germany diverged widely. However, Paris and Berlin were something else than just a genuine reflection of their respective national context; their status as capital cities gave them common characteristics. Therefore some similar phenomena appear. On the one hand, those cities may offer a national backing to particular memories, which was especially sought. On the other hand, the concentration of marks of memory in those cities tended to consolidate them in an always more exclusively national role. Thus, a kind of reciprocal nationalization of memory by capital cities and of capital cities by memory occurred. This nationalization is particularly visible in the analysis of the national monuments that emerged in the post-war years. Nevertheless, such phenomena underline variations between Paris and Berlin: Paris stood out without any difficulty as the capital of France, even of the Allied world, while Berlin stood out as the capital of Prussia, with more difficulty as the capital of Germany.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 235-254
Author(s):  
David Brodbeck

On 2 January 1915, during the first winter of the First World War, the celebrated composer Carl Goldmark died in Vienna at the ripe old age of eighty-four. The Viennese press gave the story of his passing the kind of coverage that one would expect for a figure who was described as the “rector of Austrian music,” even its “epicenter.” The notice in the Neue Freie Presse was particularly striking in its imagery: “We, musical Vienna and the entire musical world, stand shaken around the funeral bier of the great composer and Austrian Carl Goldmark.” As the report goes on, the writer makes a clear reference to the growing war effort: “Many of our best and brightest must now die on the battlefield for the fatherland. Goldmark lived for his fatherland, and by creating art touched by the breadth of eternity, he honored the fatherland in his own way and greatly increased the cultural heritage of humanity.” Meanwhile, in the other great capital of the Dual Monarchy, the composer's death was covered very differently. To read the obituaries that appeared in Budapest is to be told that Hungary, not Austria, was Goldmark's fatherland. Here, in effect, both halves of the monarchy were fighting over the same man's legacy—the one, primarily on the basis of his Hungarian birth and childhood; the other, on the basis of his long residency in Austria and the central role he played in the musical culture of late Habsburg Vienna.


Author(s):  
Albert Monshan Wu

This chapter examines how the First World War devastated the missionary work of both the SVD and the BMS. The war humbled both missionary societies, and this chapter narrates how missionaries tried to reorient themselves in a dramatically altered global missionary landscape. Confessional differences shaped the responses of the missionary societies to their respective international missionary communities. After the war, German Protestants became increasingly nationalist and refused to work with their American and British rivals. The Catholic missionary society, on the other hand, embraced the Vatican and shed its nationalist character.


Author(s):  
Bernhard Maier

The chapter gives an overview of the ways in which nineteenth-century Christian thinkers approached ‘other’, non-Christian religions. On the one hand, it establishes characteristics that distinguish the period between the flowering of Romanticism and the outbreak of the First World War from the periods immediately preceding and following it. On the other hand, it shows the wide range of approaches during the period under consideration, focusing on the struggle with finding suitable technical terms for hitherto unknown religious phenomena and on the scholarly attempts to arrange and classify new pieces of information, in order to integrate them into a unified picture. Special attention is paid to the ways in which nineteenth-century Christian (and secular) debates shaped and were shaped by the study of non-Christian religions. In conclusion, it is asked to what extent nineteenth-century ideas, presuppositions, and preoccupations are continuing to shape our present views on ‘religion’ and ‘world religions’.


Author(s):  
A. M. Yastremskiy​

The First World War has become almost inevitable as a result of the intertwining of different interests of the great powers in the Balkans. The explosive situation gradually escalated and eventually led to irreversible consequences. War became inevitable, as in Europe, on the one hand, some forces prepared and craved war. On the other hand, there were no forces capable of containing the war. Russia could not take over the peacekeeping mission as it caused distrust of both the Triple Alliance and the Entente. She also pursued its interests. Frequent diplomatic and military-political crises on the eve of the war left their stamp on the socio-psychological atmosphere in Europe. During the July 1914 crisis, it became clear that due to the mistake of England, which did not declare its solidarity with France and Russia, who did not want bloodshed, a great war could begin. Russia was already pursuing a policy of concessions to the aggressor, which only aggravated the situation. It ultimately led to a pan-European war.


لارك ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
فهد عويد عبد

The Balkan region in general and Romania in particular have witnessed major political developments during the First World War. Suffice it to say that the first outbreak of war began from the Balkans, namely Sarajevo, and ended in the Balkans, where the last peace treaties were signed with the surrender of Bulgaria on September 29, 1918. Years of War The Balkans were generally a theater in which the armies of the belligerents demonstrated their military capabilities. Moreover, in the same period, both sides of the conflict (the Axis Powers or the Wafd States) were struggling to obtain the support of the Balkans, including Romania, Sugary, political and economic, both on military operations or planed Supply issues or control over trade routes, and on the other side of Romania was seeking for its part to take advantage of the chance of war to the maximum extent possible to achieve the national dream of achieving political unity.


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