Conclusion

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann Chapoutot
Keyword(s):  
Third Reich ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Third Reich

This concluding chapter summarizes the previous chapters in order to reconstruct the Nazi myth—a myth of death that was nevertheless intended to impregnate others, to awaken the future race and urge new generations of Aryans to rise up once more, out of sacred respect for their ancestors. From the beginning, the leaders of the Third Reich abandoned the realm of history to live in the realm of myth, where everything was sign or symbol and where all chance was perceived as being of necessity. Hitler and his associates responsible for the regime were haunted by myths, obsessed with imitating the acts of their predecessors, possessed by visions of reliving the great ancient epics. From here, the chapter turns to the historian's role to snuff out the myth, and thus to overturn the Nazis' manipulation of time and history.

Memory and the Cityscape: The German Architectural Debate about Postmodernism

1999 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen James-Chakraborty
Keyword(s):  
Personal Experience ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Nazi Regime ◽  
National Community ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
The Way ◽  
At Home

Few tools of Nazi propaganda were as potent or as permanent asarchitecture. At the instigation of Hitler, who had once aspired to bean architect, the Nazi regime placed unusual importance on thedesign of environments—whether cities, buildings, parade grounds, orhighways—that would glorify the Third Reich and express its dynamicrelationship to both the past and the future. Architecture and urbandesign were integral to the way the regime presented itself at homeand abroad. Newsreels supplemented direct personal experience ofmonumental buildings. Designed to last a thousand years, these edificesappeared to offer concrete testimony of the regime’s enduringcharacter. A more subtle integration of modern functions and vernacularforms, especially in suburban housing, suggested that technologicalprogress could coexist with an “organic” national communityrooted in a quasi-sacred understanding of the landscape.

scholarly journals THE POLICY OF NAZI GERMANY ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CRIMEAN PENINSULA (1941 – 1944)

2021 ◽  
pp. 86-96
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Ponypaliak
Keyword(s):  
Local Population ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Crimean Peninsula ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
The Crimean Peninsula

he article considers the policy of Nazi Germany in the occupied Crimea during 1941-1944. The study aims to study and analyze the features of the Nazi occupation regime on the territory of the Crimean peninsula. The author analyzes the plans of the Nazi leadership for the future of the Crimean peninsula in the postwar strategy of Berlin to the occupied territories, considers the main approaches in the implementation ofthe Generalplan OST. The basic concepts of the future position of the Crimean peninsula in the geostrategic calculations of the Third Reich are reflected. In particular, the plans of the Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories A. Rosenberg, the calculations of the General Commissioner of “Tavria” A. Fraunfeld, the leader of the Nazi Labor Front R. Leigh, and future plans for the fate of the peninsula leader of the Third Reich – A. Hitler. The repressions against the local population and the attitude of the German administration to certain ethnic and political groups, in particular, to the Crimean Tatars, Russians, Ukrainians, and Crimean Tatars, were studied. The article reflects the activities of Einsatzgruppe D and its sounding teams in the Crimea. The consequences of ethnic cleansing of the Nazis in the Crimea are generalized and the course and features of the Holocaust on the territory of the peninsula are described. The issue of relations between the Crimean Tatars and the German occupation administration is covered separately. The course of hostilities for the Crimean peninsula is analyzed, the main milestones of the German-Soviet armed struggle for the Crimea are described. Revealing the issue in the context of hostilities between the Wehrmacht and the Red Army, the author attempted to explain the difficult position of the peninsula in the administrative structure of the occupiers and the main reasons for its long rule directly by the German military command. The aspect of administrative and territorial subordination of Crimea during the occupation has been studied. In general, the author made an attempt to comprehensively consider the policy of the Nazis in the Crimea in its various aspects and planes.

The One Hundred Days

2021 ◽  
pp. 336-356
Author(s):  
Peter Fritzsche
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
The Third ◽  
Great Achievement ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
The One ◽  
The New Deal

This chapter studies how the transformations which occurred in less than “one hundred days” in Germany evoked the original template for the one hundred days: Napoleon Bonaparte's return from Elba and the reestablishment of the empire until his abdication in the wake of Waterloo in 1815. Each of the hundred days—Napoleon's, Franklin D. Roosevelt's, and Adolf Hitler's—recharged history. The one hundred days consolidating the New Deal and the Nazi seizure of power gave new shape to the future in the extraordinary year of 1933. Ultimately, the great achievement of the Third Reich was getting Germans to see themselves as the Nazis did: as an imperiled people who had created for themselves a new lease on collective life. Not everyone agreed with the Nazis on every point, but most adjusted to National Socialism by interpreting it in their own way, adhering to old ideas by pursuing them in new forms. As a result, more and more Germans had accepted the Third Reich. This reassembly closed off any consideration of returning to the democratic governments of the Weimar Republic; it was neither recognized as a possibility nor desired.

The German Professor in the Third Reich

1946 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard Ritter
Keyword(s):  
Personal Experience ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
European Politics ◽  
The Third ◽  
Security Service ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Political Persecution ◽  
Made In

As early as November 1943, in conversations with German refugees at Istanbul, I encountered again and again the question, asked with amazement: how was it possible in Hitler's Germany for me to publish such independent views on historical-political questions, as I had expressed in my writings and addresses, without suffering political persecution? After I was released from prison by the Russians at the end of April 1945, foreigners frequently asked me the same question. I shall attempt to give an answer, based simply on my own personal experience.In November, 1944, I had been arrested by the Gestapo, not because of any statement I had made in my addresses, university lectures, or writings, but because of my friendship with Dr. Gördeler and my participation in conferences about a political-theological memoir dealing with the future reorganization of German and European politics. The Gestapo officials who arrested me all wore an SD (Security Service) on the sleeves of their uniforms.

The Language of Ideology: Lingual Manipulation of Readers in German Literature of the Third Reich

2005 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Michael Press
Keyword(s):  
German Literature ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Critical Studies ◽  
The Third ◽  
Historical Argument ◽  
Underlying Basis ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
Post War ◽  
German People

In recognizing more than just hyperbole in their critical studies of National Socialist language, post-war philologists Viktor Klemperer (1946) and Eugen Seidel (1961) credit persuasive words and syntax with the expansion of Hitler's ideology among the German people. This popular explanation is being revisited by contemporary philologists, however, as new historical argument holds the functioning of the Third Reich to be anything but monolithic. An emerging scholarly consensus on the presence of more chaos than coherence in Nazi discourse suggests a new imperative for research. After reviewing the foundational works of Mein Kampf (1925) and Myth of the Twentieth Century (1930), the author confirms Klemperer and Seidel’s claim for linguistic manipulation in the rise of the National Socialist Party. Most importantly, this article provides a detailed explanation of how party leaders employed rhetorical language to promote fascist ideology without an underlying basis of logical argumentation.

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