Memory and the Cityscape: The German Architectural Debate about Postmodernism

1999 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen James-Chakraborty

Few tools of Nazi propaganda were as potent or as permanent asarchitecture. At the instigation of Hitler, who had once aspired to bean architect, the Nazi regime placed unusual importance on thedesign of environments—whether cities, buildings, parade grounds, orhighways—that would glorify the Third Reich and express its dynamicrelationship to both the past and the future. Architecture and urbandesign were integral to the way the regime presented itself at homeand abroad. Newsreels supplemented direct personal experience ofmonumental buildings. Designed to last a thousand years, these edificesappeared to offer concrete testimony of the regime’s enduringcharacter. A more subtle integration of modern functions and vernacularforms, especially in suburban housing, suggested that technologicalprogress could coexist with an “organic” national communityrooted in a quasi-sacred understanding of the landscape.

Author(s):  
Robert Eaglestone

The knowledge of the murder of the European Jews was a public secret in the Third Reich. What is a ‘public secret’? How does it shape or reshape a society? The answers to these questions are key to understanding the Holocaust and other genocides. However, the public secret is elusive because of its nature: when it is at its most powerful, it cannot be explicitly discussed; when it no longer holds such power, people deny their knowledge of it and complicity in its concealment. Both the ‘subjective experience’ of the public secret and its wider meaning are beyond the limits of the discipline of history and are better elucidated obliquely through a work of fiction: in this case Kazuo Ishiguro’s Never Let Me Go, a novel which reflects on the past in the way historians cannot. Significantly, the public secret and the consequences of complicity are important concepts for understanding the post-Holocaust world.


Antiquity ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 72 (276) ◽  
pp. 282-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus Junker

All too often in the past, state politics has exerted a strong influence over the direction of academic archaeology. This was particularly true of the German Archaeological Institute under the Third Reich in the 1930s. Here, Klaus Junker offers an intriguing insight into the events and outcomes of this uncomfortable episode, and how the Institute managed to retain its leading position during and after the Nazi régime.


1946 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard Ritter

As early as November 1943, in conversations with German refugees at Istanbul, I encountered again and again the question, asked with amazement: how was it possible in Hitler's Germany for me to publish such independent views on historical-political questions, as I had expressed in my writings and addresses, without suffering political persecution? After I was released from prison by the Russians at the end of April 1945, foreigners frequently asked me the same question. I shall attempt to give an answer, based simply on my own personal experience.In November, 1944, I had been arrested by the Gestapo, not because of any statement I had made in my addresses, university lectures, or writings, but because of my friendship with Dr. Gördeler and my participation in conferences about a political-theological memoir dealing with the future reorganization of German and European politics. The Gestapo officials who arrested me all wore an SD (Security Service) on the sleeves of their uniforms.


1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael H. Kater

While in recent years a great deal has been written to clarify Germany's medical past, the picture is not yet complete in several important respects. In the realm of the sociology of medicine, for example, we still do not know enough about physicianpatient relationships from, say, the founding of the Second Empire to the present. On the assumption, based on the meager evidence available, that this relationship had an authoritarian structure from the physician on downward, did it have anything to do with the shape of German medicine in the Weimar Republic and, later, the Third Reich? Another relative unknown is the role of Jews in the development of medicine as a profession in Germany. Surely volumes could be written on the significant influence Jews have exerted on medicine in its post-Wilhelmian stages, as well as the irreversible victim status Jewish doctors were forced to assume after Hitler's ascension to power


1996 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Alexander Williams

In the early 1930s, Dr. Konrad Guenther, a longtime advocate of nature conservation, was exhorting the German people to return to “the soil of the homeland.” In the past, according to Guenther, whenever the German people had been forced to respond vigorously to the pressure of hard times, they had returned to their “natural” roots. He called on the population to learn about the Heimat (homeland) and its natural environment, ‘not only through reason alone, but with the entire soul and personality; for the chords of the German soul are tuned to nature. Let us allow nature to speak, and let us be happy to be German!” The stakes were high, for if the German people failed in this way to unite into a strong, “natural” community, they would become “cultural fertilizer for other nations.” Following the fall of the Weimar Republic and the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, Guenther became one of the most vocal exponents of the notion that conserving nature would aid in the cultural unification and “racial cleansing” of Germany. Indeed, Guenther and his fellow conservationists saw their longstanding dream of a nationwide conservation law at last fulfilled under the Third Reich. The 1935 Reich Conservation Law guaranteed state protection of “the nature of the Heimat in all its manifestations”—if necessary through police measures.


Author(s):  
Karl Kraus

This chapter criticises the Neue Freie Presse. Unlike its liberal colleagues in Berlin, it does not want to be taken by surprise. Being one of the old guard, it surrenders but never dies—surrendering even before the battle has begun. It was the Neue Freie Presse which assured its readers in print that “tranquillity and order prevail” in the Third Reich and that “every German citizen of the Jewish faith can go about his business” at any time and even after the exclusion of Jewish doctors and lawyers from public office. On the eve of the boycott, the Neue Freie Presse even printed the announcement by one firm that in their sphere of operations, there has been no incidence of persecutions against Jews and other targets of the Nazi regime.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-242
Author(s):  
Guido Convents

Although Belgian diplomats analysed the nazi-regime from the very first moment as intrinsically crimina!, inhuman, dictatorial and revenge seeking, they showed the nazis in 1934-1935 that dialogue was possible.  The nazi-diplomacy, with secrecy as a keystone, permitted some of the most important Belgian politicians and businessmen to meet the.nazi-leaders without being disapproved by public opinion or even parliament.  This resulted in a «practical» way to improve political and above all economical relations between Belgium and nazi-Germany. It can be seen as a Belgian answer to the inability of France and Great Britain to force the Third Reich to respect the international security treaties which were to guarantee the sovereignty of Belgium.


Elements ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Valdez

Throughout the 1930s, the ascendance of the Nazi regime not only diminished the authority of the Roman Catholic Church in Germany, but alos directly countered fundamental Catholic doctrines. In face of the mounting atrocities of the German government, Pope Pius XI, with the help of Eugenio Pacelli, nuncio to Germany, and German Bishop Michael Faulhaber, in an unprecedented outreach to the entire German faithful, issued the encyclical <em>Mit Brennender Sorge</em>. Appealing particularly to the youth and the laity, the encyclical challenged Germans to use conscience as a final resort in assessing the validity of a religious institution or political movement. In its address to the German people, Mit Brennender Sorge reflected the delicacy of the relationship between the Holy See and the Nazi regime by not referencing any person, party, or organization specifically. Nevertheless, the purpose and the timeliness of the encyclical was lost on few, partially dispelling the widespread belief that the Catholic Church turned a blind eye to the Third Reich.


2021 ◽  
pp. 86-96
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Ponypaliak

he article considers the policy of Nazi Germany in the occupied Crimea during 1941-1944. The study aims to study and analyze the features of the Nazi occupation regime on the territory of the Crimean peninsula. The author analyzes the plans of the Nazi leadership for the future of the Crimean peninsula in the postwar strategy of Berlin to the occupied territories, considers the main approaches in the implementation ofthe Generalplan OST. The basic concepts of the future position of the Crimean peninsula in the geostrategic calculations of the Third Reich are reflected. In particular, the plans of the Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories A. Rosenberg, the calculations of the General Commissioner of “Tavria” A. Fraunfeld, the leader of the Nazi Labor Front R. Leigh, and future plans for the fate of the peninsula leader of the Third Reich – A. Hitler. The repressions against the local population and the attitude of the German administration to certain ethnic and political groups, in particular, to the Crimean Tatars, Russians, Ukrainians, and Crimean Tatars, were studied. The article reflects the activities of Einsatzgruppe D and its sounding teams in the Crimea. The consequences of ethnic cleansing of the Nazis in the Crimea are generalized and the course and features of the Holocaust on the territory of the peninsula are described. The issue of relations between the Crimean Tatars and the German occupation administration is covered separately. The course of hostilities for the Crimean peninsula is analyzed, the main milestones of the German-Soviet armed struggle for the Crimea are described. Revealing the issue in the context of hostilities between the Wehrmacht and the Red Army, the author attempted to explain the difficult position of the peninsula in the administrative structure of the occupiers and the main reasons for its long rule directly by the German military command. The aspect of administrative and territorial subordination of Crimea during the occupation has been studied. In general, the author made an attempt to comprehensively consider the policy of the Nazis in the Crimea in its various aspects and planes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-36
Author(s):  
Mikkel Dack

As part of the post-war denazification campaign, as many as 20 million Germans were screened for employment by Allied armies. Applicants were ordered to fill out political questionnaires (Fragebögen) and allowed to justify their membership in Nazi organizations in appended statements. This mandatory act of self-reflection has led to the accumulation of a massive archival repository, likely the largest collection of autobiographical writings about the Third Reich. This article interprets individual and family stories recorded in denazification documents and provides insight into how Germans chose to remember and internalize the National Socialist years. The Fragebögen allowed and even encouraged millions of respondents to rewrite their personal histories and to construct whitewashed identities and accompanying narratives to secure employment. Germans embraced the unique opportunity to cast themselves as resisters and victims of the Nazi regime. These identities remained with them after the dissolution of the denazification project and were carried forward into the post-occupation period.


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