Polish word-final nasal vowels: Variation and, potentially, change

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 135-162
Author(s):  
Karolina Baranowska ◽  
Kamil Kaźmierski
Keyword(s):  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Carignan ◽  
Ryan K. Shosted ◽  
Maojing Fu ◽  
Zhi-Pei Liang ◽  
Bradley P. Sutton

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-116
Author(s):  
Tatiana Korol

The paper provides a preliminary description of the phonology of Ngen, a South Mande language spoken in Ivory Coast. Ngen has a system of oral and nasal vowels. The consonant inventory is characterised by a complementary distribution between [b] and [m], [l] and [n], [y] and [ɲ]. There are 3 level tones. Tone melodies on disyllabic feet exhibit all possible combinations except LH. The majority of nonderived words have CV, CVCV, and CVŋ structures.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-62
Author(s):  
Md Jahurul ISLAM

This study investigated the phonemic status of the nasal vowels in Bangla (aka Bengali). It has been claimed for decades that all the seven monophthongal oral vowels in Bangla have phonemically contrastive nasal counterparts; however, an in-depth investigation of the status of nasality for all the vowels is lacking in the current literature. With a phoneme dictionary build from a text corpus of 8 (eight) million word-tokens and about 275 thousand word-types, this study investigated whether all the oral vowels have phonemically contrastive nasal vowels. Findings revealed that only five of the seven monophthongal vowels form phonemically contrastive relationships with their nasal counterparts; nasality in /æ/ and /ɔ/ are not contrastive phonemically.


Proglas ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Veska Kirilova ◽  
◽  
◽  

This paper analyzes some cases of functional substitution of an oral vowel for a nasal one in the spoken varieties of French and Bulgarian, as well as in some varieties of French which are as spoken outside France. Other subjects of research include cases of functional replacement of a nasal vowel for an oral one in the spoken variety of French and its variants. The purpose of the study is not only to describe the observed processes, but also to identify their causes at the subsegmental, segmental and suprasegmental levels.


2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catarina Oliveira ◽  
Paula Martins ◽  
Samuel Silva ◽  
António Teixeira

Author(s):  
Catarina Oliveira ◽  
Paula Martins ◽  
António Teixeira

Author(s):  
Yvan Rose

AbstractParadis and LaCharité (1996, 1997) have proposed a model of loanword adaptation, couched within theTheory of Constraints and Repair Strategies(Paradis 1988a,b). One of the mechanisms used in their model, called the Threshold Principle, first advanced by Paradis, Lebel, and LaCharité (1993), poses problems. This principle, whose implementation implies arithmetic counting, goes counter to standard views of generative phonology against counting. In this article, an analysis of deletion contexts found in loanwords which accounts for the data observed on structural grounds only is developed without any appeal to arithmetic counting. Based on the adaptation of French rising diphthongs and nasal vowels in two languages, Fula and Kinyarwanda, it is argued that an analysis based solely on the segmental representations of the foreign forms to adapt and the segmental and syllabic constraints of the borrowing language is sufficient to make correct predictions regarding the adaptation patterns found in these languages.


2001 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Berit Hansen

The present study explores the notion of lexical diffusion in relation to an ongoing change in Modern French nasal vowels. Data are interviews with 42 Parisians, recorded in 1972–74 and 1989–93. We start with the notion that sound change ought to be regular, according to the classification of Labov (1994): that is, being a phonetically gradual change, it should be lexically abrupt. The first part of our analysis, which includes more than 10,000 nasal vowel tokens, seems to indicate an influence of factors compatible with the hypothesis of regular sound change (i.e., stress and phonetic surroundings). A closer look at the vowel /[vowel symbol]/, however, reveals an independent lexical and grammatical conditioning, one not entirely explicable in terms of stress or phonetics. As other studies have shown (Krishnamurti, 1998; Yaeger-Dror, 1996), gradual phonetic change might show lexical irregularities, a fact which calls for a revision of Labov's classification.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document