An acoustic study of quasi-phonemic vowels in Ampenan Sasak

ABSTRACT In a variety of Sasak called Ampenan Sasak in this paper, traditional documentation and analytical methods based on auditory perception reveal allophonic patterns in alternations of height among mid-vowels. High mid-vowels occur in final syllables ending in [ʔ] or no-coda (e.g. [tokoʔ] ‘fish species native to Lombok’) while low mid-vowels occur in final syllables ending in all other consonants (e.g. [tɔkɔl] ‘to sit’). However, words deviate from these patterns in several minimal pairs (e.g. [bəɾəmbok] ‘to discuss’ and [bəɾəmbɔk] ‘to breathe’) and in some borrowings (e.g. [agostos] ‘August’), suggesting a quasi-phonemic status for back mid-vowels; they behave like both phonemes and allophones. This study analyzes the phonetic properties of mid-vowels through an acoustic analysis of the F1 and F2 of 2,448 vowel tokens. Results suggest that mid-vowels are largely predictable among non-borrowed vocabulary. In final syllables, syllable openness serves as a predictor for the height of mid-vowels. In pre-final syllables, syllable openness has no effect on the height of the vowel. Rather, the height of pre-final mid-vowels is predictable based on the height of the final-syllable vowel. In consideration of both elicitation and acoustic evidence, this paper adopts a descriptive approach by stating that Ampenan Sasak back mid-vowels are largely predictable, with some exceptions. Further, the paper questions whether all sounds must be identified as a ‘phoneme’ or an ‘allophone’ and argues that quasi-phonemic segments are a valuable intermediate descriptor for both phonological theory and language documentation.

Revisiting the status of labialised consonants in contemporary Amharic

Though a lot of studies have been conducted on Amharic, studies on its phonology are very few and even those studies do not agree on the number and inventory of Amharic consonant phonemes. This study argues that there are 19 labialised Amharic phonemes. The study argues that overgeneralization of labialisation and loss of /w/ cannot account for all the occurrences of labialised consonants in Amharic. Minimal pair test and derivation of agentive and adjutative forms are presented as evidences to show the phonemic status of labialised consonants in Amharic.

What is and what is not an articulatory gesture in speech production

Articulatory data are provided showing that, in languages in which they have phonemic status, (alveolo)palatal consonants, dark /l/ and the trill /r/ are articulated with a single lingual gesture instead of two independent tongue front and tongue body gestures. They are therefore simple, not complex segments. It is argued that tongue body lowering and retraction for dark /l/ and the trill /r/ is associated with manner of articulation requirements and with requirements on the implementation of the darkness percept in the case of dark /l/, and that tongue body raising and fronting for (alveolo)palatals results naturally from the contraction of the genioglossus muscle. These consonant units resemble truly complex palatalized and velarized or pharyngealized dentoalveolars regarding lingual configuration and kinematics, as well as coarticulatory efects and phonological and sound change processes. Contrary to some views, the study also contends that clear /l/ and the tap /?/ are not complex segments but consonants articulated with a more or less neutral tongue body configuration which is subject to considerable vowel coarticulation.

Northern Sangtam phonetics, phonology and word list

This paper presents a comprehensive phonetic and phonological description of Northern Sangtam, an essentially undescribed Tibeto-Burman language of central Nagaland belonging to the Aoic subgroup. It is a noteworthy language from a number of phonological perspectives, not least because its phoneme inventory contains two of the world’s rarest phonemes: a pre-stopped bilabial trill, and a doubly-articulated labial-coronal nasal. These unique segments are described in detail, and an attempt is made to determine how they might have developed their phonemic status. The tone system is also of interest, as it demonstrates evidence of debuccalization resulting in the development of a new high tone. Following a systematic description of the syllable and word structure, the tone system, and the segmental phonology, some observed age-related differences in the phoneme inventory are discussed. The paper is linked to an online repository containing the audio-visual data and transcribed word lists of approximately 900 items, based on the recorded utterances of eight speakers.

The production of geminates in Italian-dominant bilinguals and heritage speakers of Italian

This study examines cross-linguistic influence (CLI) in adult Italian-German bilinguals based on the production of gemination, a phenomenon that exists in Italian but not in German. We analyzed the spontaneous Italian speech of two groups of Italian-German bilinguals (heritage speakers of Italian and Italian-dominant bilinguals) and a monolingual Italian control group. The results show that the geminates produced by the speakers in both bilingual groups were longer than their singletons. From this it seems that gemination is not affected by CLI. Based on our results, we discuss whether CLI is determined by (1) markedness, (2) frequency of Italian input during acquisition, (3) language dominance or (4) relevance (e.g. phonemic status), concluding that the latter is most crucial.

Allophony in English Language Learners: The Case of Tap in English and Spanish

Purpose The objective of this study was to examine tap production by English language learners (ELLs) in kindergarten whose 1st language is Spanish. The conflicting status of tap in Spanish and English could present challenges for allophonic learning in 2nd language for ELLs. Prior research has evaluated acquisition of other allophone pairs, but none has focused exclusively on tap. Method Thirty ELLs, 30 English monolinguals, and 29 Spanish monolinguals participated in the study. Participants completed a single-word repetition task in which numerous opportunities to produce tap were provided. Productions were phonetically transcribed and analyzed. Results The great majority of taps were pronounced correctly in both languages. The allophonic status of tap in English and phonemic status in Spanish suggest ELLs could experience negative transfer in learning; however, this was not observed. A significant interaction indicated more t/d substitutions in English and more semivowel/liquid substitutions in Spanish, contradicting the expectation of negative transfer. ELLs were also significantly more accurate at producing tap in Spanish than English. Conclusion Findings suggest that, at early kindergarten, ELL children rapidly adapted to English patterns of tap production even though Spanish and English conflict in phonemic/allophonic status of tap. This study was preliminary, and further investigation is warranted.

Variation in Perso-Arabic and Devanāgarī Sindhī orthographies

The Sindhī language has been written in numerous scripts throughout its history. However, in the twentieth century, Perso-Arabic and Devanāgarī emerged as the dominant scripts for the language. Today, Perso-Arabic is the sole official script for Sindhī in Pakistan, while both Perso-Arabic and Devanāgarī are in concurrent use for the language in India. This paper identifies and analyses areas of orthographic standardisation and variation in the Perso-Arabic and Devanāgarī scripts for Sindhī, focusing primarily on practices in the Indian context. It first classifies orthographic variation into that stemming from phonological ambiguity, and that which is purely graphematic. The former includes the representation of reduced vowels, gemination, vocalic endings, loanwords, consonant clusters and sounds of unclear phonemic status. The latter includes the shapes and positioning of diacritics, allographs, derivative graphemes and collation orders. The paper concludes by summarising the possible pedagogical implications of such orthographic standardisation and variation.

On the phonemic status of nasalized /h̃/ in Modern Zuberoan Basque

Modern eastern Basque dialects have several conservative features, including the maintenance of historical /h/, which is lost in other dialects. Zuberoan, the easternmost dialect of Basque still spoken today, shows both this /h/ as well as a phonetically nasalized segment [h̃] which is a reflex of intervocalic *n. In this paper I argue that these two segments contrast in Zuberoan. Evidence for the contrast comes from both a newly described process of assimilation of /h/ to /h̃/ in nasal environments which then serves as a basis of the analogical extension of the nasalized aspirate in a context where it cannot be phonologically derived, and from neighboring Mixean Low Navarrese where the nasalized [h̃] has no other obvious source. Since a contrast between oral and nasalized aspirates is rare crosslinguistically, the Zuberoan and Mixean sound patterns discussed here should be of interest to typologists and phonologists alike.

Phonemic status of Bangla nasal vowels: A corpus study

This study investigated the phonemic status of the nasal vowels in Bangla (aka Bengali). It has been claimed for decades that all the seven monophthongal oral vowels in Bangla have phonemically contrastive nasal counterparts; however, an in-depth investigation of the status of nasality for all the vowels is lacking in the current literature. With a phoneme dictionary build from a text corpus of 8 (eight) million word-tokens and about 275 thousand word-types, this study investigated whether all the oral vowels have phonemically contrastive nasal vowels. Findings revealed that only five of the seven monophthongal vowels form phonemically contrastive relationships with their nasal counterparts; nasality in /æ/ and /ɔ/ are not contrastive phonemically.