Implications of Political Distrust and Populism on Advanced Democracies

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-188
Author(s):  
Meeyoung Ju
2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-810 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey C. Isaac ◽  
Robert Rohrschneider ◽  
Will Kymlicka ◽  
Jonathan Laurence

When Ways of Life Collide: Multiculturalism and Its Discontents in the Netherlands. By Paul M. Sniderman and Louk Hagendoorn. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007. 176p. $25.95.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Sorens

This article analyzes the “risk factors” of secessionism at the substate, regional level. It seeks to answer the question, What regions are more likely to support more successful secessionist parties? Using new data in cross-sectional regression analysis, the author finds that secessionism involves unique factors not common to other kinds of ethnic conflict. Specifically, in addition to “identity” variables such as regional language and history of independence, the following variables explain secessionist strength: lack of irredentist potential, relative affluence, geographical noncontiguity, population, and multiparty political system. These factors generally serve as activators of ethnic identity rather than a substitute for the same, although there are important cases of nonethnic secessionism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Satoshi Kasamatsu ◽  
Daiki Kishishita
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 661-682 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Fairbrother

This article presents results from survey experiments investigating conditions under which Britons are willing to pay taxes on polluting activities. People are no more willing if revenues are hypothecated for spending on environmental protection, while making such taxes more relevant to people – by naming petrol and electricity as products to which they will apply – has a modestly negative effect. Public willingness increases sharply if people are told that new environmental taxes would be offset by cuts to other taxes, but political distrust appears to undermine much of this effect. Previous studies have argued that political trust shapes public opinion with respect to environmental and many other policies. But this article provides the first experimental evidence suggesting that the relationship is causal, at least for one specific facet: cynicism about public officials’ honesty and integrity. The results suggest a need to make confidence in the trustworthiness of public officials and their promises more central to conceptualizations of political trust.


2019 ◽  
pp. 362-384
Author(s):  
Margaret Levi

A trustworthy government is one that keeps its promises (or has exceptionally good reasons why it fails to), is relatively fair in its decision-making and enforcement processes, and delivers goods and services. A legitimate government is one that appeals to widely accepted justifications for its selection, maintenance, and policies. Investigations across history and countries reveal that the more trustworthy the government, the more likely it is to evoke observation of its laws and acquiescence to policies. Less clear is the link between perceptions that government is trustworthy and beliefs that it is legitimate, at least in countries claiming or trying to be democratic. Being trustworthy in practices and outcomes may contribute to perceptions of government legitimacy. However, trustworthiness is, at best, a necessary but not sufficient condition for legitimating beliefs. This chapter explores the relationship between the trustworthiness of government and its legitimacy by considering cases from both advanced democracies and state-building efforts. It argues that current democracies may need to refashion their moral economies—the extra-market reciprocal rights and obligations that link populations, governments, corporations, and all the other various organizations that make up the society—if they are to reestablish strong grounds for legitimacy.


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