Harriet Martineau on the Theory and Practice of Democracy in America

Author(s):  
Lisa Pace Vetter

Close analysis of Harriet Martineau’s lengthy examination of American life, Society in America, and her methodological treatise, How to Observe: Morals and Manners, reveals that she adapts Adam Smith’s theory of sympathy to accommodate greater diversity among observers and the observed. Martineau’s innovative account of sympathy and her method of observation distinguish her from her contemporary, Alexis de Tocqueville. Her approach is better able to address slavery and the disenfranchisement of women by allowing people to empathize with those who are radically different from themselves. For Martineau, as individuals connect to others in this way, they are in a stronger position to realize the disparate treatment and injustices others face, and to support abolitionism and women’s suffrage.

1979 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-140
Author(s):  
Lawrence E. Hazelrigg

Between 1815 arid 1850, hundreds of men and women journeyed to the United States not as immigrants but as investigators seeking first-hand knowledge of the “giant new nation” of North America. Many of these visitors later published accounts in description, and sometimes explanation, of what they had seen and heard. Tocqueville’s Democracy in America comes quickly to mind, of course; but there were other studies by other visitors, though their names are now less familiar to us. Harriet Martineau, for instance, came lu the United States in 1834. remained nearly two full years, and then wrote a two-volume study of (The Theory and Practice of) Society in America (1837), plus a retrospect of her western travels (1838; also see 1877: I, 329-409). Michel Chevalier’s perceptive study of the emerging industrial economy (1836) was based on his tour of inspection during the years 1833-35. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. early social scientist and future President of Argentina, visited in 1847 and then published an account of his travels and a study of education in the United States (1866; 1909). And there were many others. Of all these accounts, however, only Tocqueville’s became the celebrated “classic”. Soon after its first appearance in France, Henry Reeve prepared an English edition for publication in London and. with a special introduction by John Canfield Spencer, in New York. In each country Democracy in America was received with great acclaim. No less a figure than John Stuart Mill (1840:3) pronounced it “the first philosophical book ever written on Democracy, as it manifests itself in modern society; … the beginning of a new era in the scientific study of politics”. First notices in the United States were nearly as laudatory: an essay in the July 1836 issue of North American Review, attributed to Edward Everett, regarded “this work now before us, as by far the most philosophical, ingenious and instructive, which has been produced in Europe on the subject of America.”


Author(s):  
Ben Epstein

This chapter explores communication innovations made by American social movements over time. These movements share political communication goals and outsider status, which helps to connect innovation decisions across movements and across time. The chapter primarily explores two long-lasting movements. First is the women’s suffrage movement, which lasted over seventy years of the print era from the mid-nineteenth century until the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. Next is the long-lasting fight against racial discrimination, which led to the modern civil rights movement starting in the print era, but coming of age along with television during the 1950s and 1960s. Both the women’s suffrage movement and civil rights movement utilized innovative tactics with similarly mild results until mainstream coverage improved. Finally, these historical movements are compared with movements emerging during the internet era, including the early Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the Resist movement.


Author(s):  
Barbara Arneil

Colonization is generally defined as a process by which states settle and dominate foreign lands or peoples. Thus, modern colonies are assumed to be outside Europe and the colonized non-European. This volume contends such definitions of the colony, the colonized, and colonization need to be fundamentally rethought in light of hundreds of ‘domestic colonies’ proposed and/or created by governments and civil society organizations initially within Europe in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries and then beyond. The three categories of domestic colonies in this book are labour colonies for the idle poor, farm colonies for the mentally ill, and disabled and utopian colonies for racial, religious, and political minorities. All of these domestic colonies were justified by an ideology of domestic colonialism characterized by three principles: segregation, agrarian labour, improvement, through which, in the case of labour and farm colonies, the ‘idle’, ‘irrational’, and/or custom-bound would be transformed into ‘industrious and rational’ citizens while creating revenues for the state to maintain such populations. Utopian colonies needed segregation from society so their members could find freedom, work the land, and challenge the prevailing norms of the society around them. Defended by some of the leading progressive thinkers of the period, including Alexis de Tocqueville, Abraham Lincoln, Peter Kropotkin, Robert Owen, Tommy Douglas, and Booker T. Washington, the turn inward to colony not only provides a new lens with which to understand the scope of colonization and colonialism in modern history but a critically important way to distinguish ‘the colonial’ from ‘the imperial’ in Western political theory and practice.


Dialogue ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 701-709
Author(s):  
R. E. Tully

This is the first volume in the Collected Papers which deals exclusively with Russell's non-technical writings and, chronologically, it is the immediate successor of volume 1. Volumes 2 through 7 cover roughly the same span of years as volume 12 (1902–1914) but are devoted to his technical writings on mathematics, logic and philosophy. Of this group, however, only volume 7 has so far been published. The contents of volume 12 are intended to show two contrasting sides of Russell's highly complex character: the contemplative (but nonacademic) side and the active. The latter is much easier to delineate and much more widely known. During 1904, Russell rose to defend traditional Liberal principles of free trade and to assail the British government's protectionist proposals for tariff reform. His various articles, book reviews, critiques and letters to editors are gathered here. Three years later, he campaigned for election to Parliament from Wimbledon as the Women's Suffrage candidate against a staunch anti-suffragist. The outcome was never in doubt, not even to Russell, since Wimbledon was a safe seat for the Conservatives, and in the end Russell lost by a margin greater than 3-to-l, but his fight had been vigorous and had managed to gain national attention.


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