scholarly journals Naval Diplomacy: Upaya Defensif Indonesia dalam Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan di Era Joko Widodo

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Satwika Paramasatya ◽  
Wing Witjahyo Poespojoedho

The conflict involving many countries in the South China Sea has notended nor subsided. Regional tension and claims between countries areincreasing and Indonesia participates in this round of conflict. As theworld’s largest archipelagic country and an ASEAN member country thatupholds peace, security and regional stability, Indonesia then has to playan active role in the conflict. In order to do so, Indonesia is using navaldiplomacy as a way to achieve effective conflict resolution within theregion. Regarding the phenomenon, this study used the concept of seapower and naval diplomacy to explain measures that have been taken bythe Indonesian government under Joko Widodo’s presidency in resolvingthe conflicts involving its territories in the South China Sea. The author’sanalysis showed that Indonesia’s policies of using naval diplomacy in theSouth China Sea conflict have a positive and effective outcome in achievingconflict resolution and peace condition that has been confined by longtermobstacles and challenges.

Author(s):  
Daniel C. O'Neill

This chapter introduces ASEAN and the “ASEAN Way” of taking actions based on consensus as well as both the theoretical and practical difficulties that presents for successful collective action by the members of the organization. Emphasizing the theoretical insights of Ruggie and other scholars concerning multilateralism as well as theories of collective action, the chapter provides insight into the factors that inhibit a common ASEAN response to the disputes in the South China Sea. The chapter further highlights the diversity among ASEAN member states, including geographic, cultural, political, and economic differences, as well as their own territorial disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea, that further inhibit collective action. Finally, the chapter provides data on China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) into the region, which, the book argues, provides China with increased influence over some ASEAN members.


2011 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlyle A. Thayer

This article reviews Chinese assertive behaviour towards the Philippines and Vietnam over South China Sea issues in 2011. The article compares and contrasts Chinese diplomatic behaviour in the period before and after the adoption by ASEAN member states and China of Guidelines for the Implementation the Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in July. In the first period China aggressively asserted its claims to sovereignty by interfering with commercial fishing and oil exploration activities of vessels operating in the Exclusive Economic Zones of Vietnam and the Philippines. Both states resisted Chinese actions. The Philippines allocated increased funding for defence modernization, lobbied ASEAN states and shored up its alliance with the United States. Vietnam too protested Chinese action and undertook symbolic steps to defend national sovereignty. In the second period all states moved to contain South China Sea tensions from affecting their larger bilateral relations. It remains to be seen, however, if proposed confidence building measures will ameliorate Chinese assertiveness.


Author(s):  
Sushri Sangita Barik ◽  
Ayadoure S Stalin

The South China Sea is the contested region between several ASEAN member nations and China. The rise of China along with its offensive Realpolitik policy has offended the sovereignty of many territorial nations in the South China Sea. In this article, the researchers would schematically analyze through the documentary analysis on the ASEAN’s Centrality. Based on the epistemological and ontological inference, the researchers would argue that the ASEAN’s centrality is based on the neo-liberal dilemma of reciprocity and thus neglecting the Statism in the South China Sea. KEYWORDS:ASEAN, China, Indo-Pacific, Reciprocity, and the South China Sea Dispute.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
A. Dikarev ◽  
A. Lukin

Territorial dispute in the South China Sea (SCS) which involves China and several ASEAN member-states has recently become one of the major threats to international security in Southeast Asia leading to continuous political tensions in the region. It may result not only in a split within ASEAN but also in drawing the non-regional powers into conflict. U.S.A. as the most important of such powers tries to use the existing tensions for strengthening its influence in the region and its stance in confrontation with China. While Moscow has recently made efforts to intensify its presence in Asia, it still does not see the South China Sea region as a foreign policy priority. Generally, it sticks to neutrality on the issue of sovereignty over the disputed islands. At the same time, Russia’s approach to the SCS problem can be characterised by a limited shift towards strengthening support of Beijing’s position. Acting this way Russia wishes to support a strategic partner in order to win its stronger cooperation on other vital issues, such as the problem of Crimea or the US sanctions. This rapprochement should be understood against the background of general international situation characterised by the growing Sino-US confrontation, worsening of relations between Russia and the West, as well as some tendencies in the Asia-Pacific such as the emergence of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue and the introduction of the concept of the “Indo-Pacific” by Washington and its allies which are seen in both Moscow and Beijing as hostile. Despite the numerous political difficulties and legal problems concerning the SCS, the mutual understanding between Russia and China during the last two decades has been strengthening while both countries were confronted by similar threats and challenges. This naturally pushes the positions of Russia and China closer to each other. Acknowledgements. This article was funded by MGIMO-University, project number 1921-01-02.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arjun Anand ◽  
Lisa Forbes

The South China Sea region has been a site of conflict for decades, with numerous states holding competing territorial claims due to its abundance of resources and strategic importance. Recently, China’s construction of artificial islands in the South China Sea has escalated tensions in the region and has strained efforts to bring peace. This paper observes the role of intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the conflict in the South China Sea. First, this paper studies the ASEAN-China code of conduct, the dispute management approach currently being negotiated between ASEAN and China. This code of conduct will govern the conduct of the countries involved in the South China Sea disputes. Furthermore, this paper proposes key provisions that should be incorporated into this code of conduct to make it more effective. Second, this paper reviews the conflicting views of ASEAN member states that impede the creation and adoption of the code of conduct. To conclude, this paper recommends an alternative solution through the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), proposing that the conciliation procedure provided in UNCLOS be adopted to resolve the long standing South China Sea disputes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-274
Author(s):  
Amiel Ian VALDEZ

AbstractThe South China Sea is a common resource where ASEAN Member States derive multiple uses. Nevertheless, the competing claims and conflicting interests of ASEAN nations and other claimants, such as China, raise the issue of transboundary harm within this sea and the sustainability of its resources. This paper argues that, despite the absence of a region-based transboundary environmental impact assessment [EIA] regime covering the South China Sea, ASEAN Member States are bound by their commitments under the Law of the Sea Convention and other binding agreements, as complemented by customary international law, which provide guidance in applying a transboundary EIA over a shared resource. TheSouth China Sea Arbitrationparticularly sets the minimum requisites of not only preparing an EIA, but also communicating the EIA results to relevant international organizations. Here, ASEAN can play a vital role as a platform through which where EIA communication can be channelled.


Author(s):  
Daniel C. O'Neill

This chapter analyzes each ASEAN member state’s territorial claims and disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea as well as its current position regarding ASEAN efforts to negotiate multilaterally with China over rival South China Sea claims. It highlights the broad support for freedom of navigation within ASEAN as well as the stated desire of each government to pursue a peaceful resolution based on the Code of Conduct with China that the ASEAN members agreed to develop in Phnom Penh in 2002. The chapter makes clear that, despite the many overlapping and competing maritime territorial claims among ASEAN member states, these states have managed to cooperate to resolve disputes outside of the South China Sea and, unlike China, since the signing of the DOC have largely refrained from taking provocative actions related to contested claims within the region. The chapter further notes the important differences in the dynamics between, and preferences of, China and the rival ASEAN claimants in the South China Sea when compared to the cases of successful dispute resolution discussed in the chapter; the most obvious difference is the asymmetry in the balance of power between China and the other claimants.


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