scholarly journals ASEAN’S CENTRALITY IN THE INDO-PACIFIC AND THE SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTE

2020 ◽  
pp. 151-153
Author(s):  
Sushri Sangita Barik ◽  
Ayadoure S Stalin
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Documentary Analysis ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
The Rise Of China

The South China Sea is the contested region between several ASEAN member nations and China. The rise of China along with its offensive Realpolitik policy has offended the sovereignty of many territorial nations in the South China Sea. In this article, the researchers would schematically analyze through the documentary analysis on the ASEAN’s Centrality. Based on the epistemological and ontological inference, the researchers would argue that the ASEAN’s centrality is based on the neo-liberal dilemma of reciprocity and thus neglecting the Statism in the South China Sea. KEYWORDS:ASEAN, China, Indo-Pacific, Reciprocity, and the South China Sea Dispute.

scholarly journals Chinese Media and United States Rebalancing Policy to Asia

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
Chinese Media ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
The Government ◽  
Draw Conclusion ◽  
The Rise Of China

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat persepsi media di Cina terhadap kebijakan Amerika Serikat “rebalancing to Asia” yang banyak dilihat bertujuan untuk mengimbangi kebangkitan Cina, dan oleh karenanya berpotensi menciptakan ketidakstabilan di kawasan karena persaingan keduanya. Paper ini melihat media sebagai salah satu faktor yang berkontribusi terhadap dinamika persepsi dan kebijakan Cina ke Amerika Serikat berdasarkan landasan teori hubungan media dan kebijakan luar negeri dan meningkatnya peran media di Cina. Paper ini mengisi kekurangan dalam literatur yang ada yang sebagian besar fokus hanya pada diskursus kebijakan AS “rebalancing to Asia” dibandingkan manifestasi kebijakan tersebut. Dengan menggunakan studi kasus sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan dan program nuklir Korea Utara, paper ini berargumen bahwa persepsi media Cina bervariasi dari satu kasus ke kasus lain dimana kebijakan “rebalancing to Asia” dipersepsikan cenderung membuat ketidakstabilan dalam kasus-kasus yang berhubungan langsung dengan kedaulatan Cina termasuk dalam kasus sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Dalam menguji hipotesa ini, paper ini mengadopsi metode kualitatif analisa konten beberapa media Cina untuk melihat variasi persepsi masyarakat Cina terhadap kasus-kasus tersebut, membandingkannya dengan persepsi pemerintah, dan menarik kesimpulan dengan mendiskusikan temuan dan implikasi kebijakan “rebalancing to Asia” dalam hubungannya dengan Cina dan stabilitas kawasan secara umum.This paper aims to examine Chinese media perception toward US rebalancing policy to Asia which many perceive mainly to contain the rise of China and thus potentially create instability in the region. This paper treats media as a factor contributing to the dynamics of China’s perception and policies toward the US based on the well-established theories on the relations between media and foreign policy and the increasing importance of media in China. This paper fills the gap in the existing literature which solely focus on the discourse of US rebalancing policy rather than the manifestation of this policy. Using the case study of the South China Sea Dispute and North Korea Nuclear Program, this paper argues that Chinese media perception varied across cases in which US rebalancing policy is perceived to be more destabilizing in cases relate directly to China’s sovereignty such as the South China Sea. In testing this hypothesis, this paper adopts qualitative method of content analysis of several Chinese media to see the variation of Chinese perception across cases, compare these perceptions with those adopted by the government and draw conclusion by discussing the finding and the implication of U.S. rebalancing policy in its relations with China and regional stability in general.

scholarly journals Naval Diplomacy: Upaya Defensif Indonesia dalam Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan di Era Joko Widodo

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Satwika Paramasatya ◽  
Wing Witjahyo Poespojoedho
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
Member Country ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
Regional Stability ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Do So

The conflict involving many countries in the South China Sea has notended nor subsided. Regional tension and claims between countries areincreasing and Indonesia participates in this round of conflict. As theworld’s largest archipelagic country and an ASEAN member country thatupholds peace, security and regional stability, Indonesia then has to playan active role in the conflict. In order to do so, Indonesia is using navaldiplomacy as a way to achieve effective conflict resolution within theregion. Regarding the phenomenon, this study used the concept of seapower and naval diplomacy to explain measures that have been taken bythe Indonesian government under Joko Widodo’s presidency in resolvingthe conflicts involving its territories in the South China Sea. The author’sanalysis showed that Indonesia’s policies of using naval diplomacy in theSouth China Sea conflict have a positive and effective outcome in achievingconflict resolution and peace condition that has been confined by longtermobstacles and challenges.

Multilateralism and Divisions in ASEAN

2018 ◽  
pp. 24-44
Author(s):  
Daniel C. O'Neill
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Direct Investment ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
South China ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Insight Into

This chapter introduces ASEAN and the “ASEAN Way” of taking actions based on consensus as well as both the theoretical and practical difficulties that presents for successful collective action by the members of the organization. Emphasizing the theoretical insights of Ruggie and other scholars concerning multilateralism as well as theories of collective action, the chapter provides insight into the factors that inhibit a common ASEAN response to the disputes in the South China Sea. The chapter further highlights the diversity among ASEAN member states, including geographic, cultural, political, and economic differences, as well as their own territorial disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea, that further inhibit collective action. Finally, the chapter provides data on China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) into the region, which, the book argues, provides China with increased influence over some ASEAN members.

scholarly journals Chinese Assertiveness in the South China Sea and Southeast Asian Responses

2011 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlyle A. Thayer
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Commercial Fishing ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Before And After

This article reviews Chinese assertive behaviour towards the Philippines and Vietnam over South China Sea issues in 2011. The article compares and contrasts Chinese diplomatic behaviour in the period before and after the adoption by ASEAN member states and China of Guidelines for the Implementation the Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in July. In the first period China aggressively asserted its claims to sovereignty by interfering with commercial fishing and oil exploration activities of vessels operating in the Exclusive Economic Zones of Vietnam and the Philippines. Both states resisted Chinese actions. The Philippines allocated increased funding for defence modernization, lobbied ASEAN states and shored up its alliance with the United States. Vietnam too protested Chinese action and undertook symbolic steps to defend national sovereignty. In the second period all states moved to contain South China Sea tensions from affecting their larger bilateral relations. It remains to be seen, however, if proposed confidence building measures will ameliorate Chinese assertiveness.

scholarly journals The PRC’s Approach Towards the South China Sea Territorial Dispute and Russia’s Foreign Policy

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
A. Dikarev ◽  
A. Lukin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Territorial Dispute ◽  
The South ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Asean Member

Territorial dispute in the South China Sea (SCS) which involves China and several ASEAN member-states has recently become one of the major threats to international security in Southeast Asia leading to continuous political tensions in the region. It may result not only in a split within ASEAN but also in drawing the non-regional powers into conflict. U.S.A. as the most important of such powers tries to use the existing tensions for strengthening its influence in the region and its stance in confrontation with China. While Moscow has recently made efforts to intensify its presence in Asia, it still does not see the South China Sea region as a foreign policy priority. Generally, it sticks to neutrality on the issue of sovereignty over the disputed islands. At the same time, Russia’s approach to the SCS problem can be characterised by a limited shift towards strengthening support of Beijing’s position. Acting this way Russia wishes to support a strategic partner in order to win its stronger cooperation on other vital issues, such as the problem of Crimea or the US sanctions. This rapprochement should be understood against the background of general international situation characterised by the growing Sino-US confrontation, worsening of relations between Russia and the West, as well as some tendencies in the Asia-Pacific such as the emergence of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue and the introduction of the concept of the “Indo-Pacific” by Washington and its allies which are seen in both Moscow and Beijing as hostile. Despite the numerous political difficulties and legal problems concerning the SCS, the mutual understanding between Russia and China during the last two decades has been strengthening while both countries were confronted by similar threats and challenges. This naturally pushes the positions of Russia and China closer to each other. Acknowledgements. This article was funded by MGIMO-University, project number 1921-01-02.

scholarly journals Calming the Waters of the South China Sea: Solving Territorial Disputes over Artificial Islands

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arjun Anand ◽  
Lisa Forbes
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
United Nations ◽  
South China ◽  
Code Of Conduct ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Management Approach ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
The United Nations

The South China Sea region has been a site of conflict for decades, with numerous states holding competing territorial claims due to its abundance of resources and strategic importance. Recently, China’s construction of artificial islands in the South China Sea has escalated tensions in the region and has strained efforts to bring peace. This paper observes the role of intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the conflict in the South China Sea. First, this paper studies the ASEAN-China code of conduct, the dispute management approach currently being negotiated between ASEAN and China. This code of conduct will govern the conduct of the countries involved in the South China Sea disputes. Furthermore, this paper proposes key provisions that should be incorporated into this code of conduct to make it more effective. Second, this paper reviews the conflicting views of ASEAN member states that impede the creation and adoption of the code of conduct. To conclude, this paper recommends an alternative solution through the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), proposing that the conciliation procedure provided in UNCLOS be adopted to resolve the long standing South China Sea disputes.

Beyond the Arbitral Ruling: A Transboundary Environmental Impact Assessment in the South China Sea

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-274
Author(s):  
Amiel Ian VALDEZ
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Impact ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
Impact Assessment ◽  
Environmental Impact Assessment ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
Member States ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Asean Member

AbstractThe South China Sea is a common resource where ASEAN Member States derive multiple uses. Nevertheless, the competing claims and conflicting interests of ASEAN nations and other claimants, such as China, raise the issue of transboundary harm within this sea and the sustainability of its resources. This paper argues that, despite the absence of a region-based transboundary environmental impact assessment [EIA] regime covering the South China Sea, ASEAN Member States are bound by their commitments under the Law of the Sea Convention and other binding agreements, as complemented by customary international law, which provide guidance in applying a transboundary EIA over a shared resource. TheSouth China Sea Arbitrationparticularly sets the minimum requisites of not only preparing an EIA, but also communicating the EIA results to relevant international organizations. Here, ASEAN can play a vital role as a platform through which where EIA communication can be channelled.

ASEAN Member States’ Maritime Claims

2018 ◽  
pp. 45-67
Author(s):  
Daniel C. O'Neill
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
Member States ◽  
Phnom Penh ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Territorial Claims ◽  
The Many

This chapter analyzes each ASEAN member state’s territorial claims and disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea as well as its current position regarding ASEAN efforts to negotiate multilaterally with China over rival South China Sea claims. It highlights the broad support for freedom of navigation within ASEAN as well as the stated desire of each government to pursue a peaceful resolution based on the Code of Conduct with China that the ASEAN members agreed to develop in Phnom Penh in 2002. The chapter makes clear that, despite the many overlapping and competing maritime territorial claims among ASEAN member states, these states have managed to cooperate to resolve disputes outside of the South China Sea and, unlike China, since the signing of the DOC have largely refrained from taking provocative actions related to contested claims within the region. The chapter further notes the important differences in the dynamics between, and preferences of, China and the rival ASEAN claimants in the South China Sea when compared to the cases of successful dispute resolution discussed in the chapter; the most obvious difference is the asymmetry in the balance of power between China and the other claimants.

scholarly journals Australia’s Engagement in the South China Sea under the Prospect Theory Approach and Implications for Australia-Vietnam Relations

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 60
Author(s):  
Sang Tam Huynh
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
Prospect Theory ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Theory Approach ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
Rise Of China

Prospect theory, first described in a 1979 paper by Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, proves to be an effective tool to explain how people evaluate risk and make decisions in experimental settings. Due to remarkable insights for social sciences, prospect theory has gone beyond economics and provided insights for international relations. This paper aims at using prospect theory to illuminate the nature of Australia’s engagement in the South China Sea (SCS) and thereby clarify the essence of Australia-Vietnam cooperation. In terms of prospect theory approach, the author argues that there are three factors specifying Australia’s involvement in the SCS, including: (i) the rise of China in the SCS, (ii) Australia’s significant interests in the SCS, and (iii) Australia's proactive middle-power status. In light of certain common interests in the SCS, Australia and Vietnam have been sharing serious concerns about security and the risk of conflict in the SCS. From the year 2009 until now, both countries have actively enhanced diplomatic, political and military ties. Regarding Australia’s status and strategic interests in the SCS, the author asserts that Australia should make the SCS more secure by promoting contributions to accommodate its status in the Asia-Pacific region. The findings of this paper would provide helpful guidance for policymakers and leaders from Australia and Vietnam for a better understanding of the increasingly complicated security environment and how to (re-) create a more stable environment in this region.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document