scholarly journals Milorad Dodik’s Public Attitudes and Perceptions Toward the ICTY

2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 78-99
Author(s):  
Jasmin Hasić ◽  
Zejna Yesilyurt
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Operational Code ◽  
Bosnian War ◽  
Attitudes And Perceptions ◽  
Republika Srpska ◽  
Public Views

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was‎ formally closed on 21 December 2017. During the quarter century of its existence, ‎ICTY’s rulings had a significant impact on public discourses and narratives‎ about the Bosnian war. Different opinions among the citizens of Bosnia‎ and Herzegovina (BiH) about ICTY’s role and its verdicts have emerged over ‎time, especially among the leaders of the dominant ethno-political parties representing ‎the three ethno-constituent groups – Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs.‎ Milorad Dodik, current member of the BiH Presidency, a former President of ‎Republika Srpska (RS) entity, and the leader of one of the most prominent political‎ parties in RS, was particularly vocal and critical about the work of the ‎ICTY. This paper closely examines Dodik’s public views and opinions toward ‎the ICTY. We use content- and operational code analysis to analyze key features‎ of his perceptions toward the ICTY’s work while serving as the President ‎of RS for two consecutive terms.‎

Thrust and Parry: Radovan Karadžić and the Translators and Interpreters at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia

1969 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Elias-Bursać
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
War Crimes ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
War Crimes Trials ◽  
Republika Srpska ◽  
The Relationship

Every word of testimony in the war-crimes trials held at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia was transcribed and recorded, translated and interpreted into other languages. The translators and interpreters enjoyed an unusual degree of visibility in this setting. Their choices of terminology, phrasing, tenor, are discussed, even hotly disputed at every session of these long trials, and the language staff are called upon to defend their choices in official memoranda. Radovan Karadžić, former president of the Republika Srpska entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, chose to conduct his own defense after he was arrested and accused of war crimes. He was well-enough versed in English that he could follow the interpreting closely as it came from the booth. His disputes with the language professionals were frequent and barbed. The relationship between the interpreter and Karadžić then became one much like fencing—thrust and parry.

Evaluations and Evolution: Public Attitudes toward Canada's Federal Political Parties, 1965–1991

1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Allan Kornberg
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Present State ◽  
National Survey ◽  
Party System ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
The Past ◽  
Long Time

AbstractThis article employs national survey data gathered over the past quarter century to analyze the evolution and present state of public attitudes toward Canada's federal political parties. A 1991 survey employing new questions on evaluations of party performance reveals that these evaluations are structured in terms of two dimensions, and that negative judgments on both dimensions are pervasive. The significance of the current negativism is assessed using 1965–1991 data on Canadians' feelings about and identifications with the federal parties. Although for a long time party affect has been lukewarm at best, and partisanship has been weak and unstable, negative trends have magnified the disaffection and dealignment. The discontent has accelerated in recent years, as the percentage of Liberal and Progressive Conservative identifiers has plummeted, and the non-identifier group has swelled to record levels, particularly in Quebec. The article concludes by considering the implications of these findings for the future of the federal party system.

scholarly journals ‘Face to face with horror’

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-41
Author(s):  
Caroline Fournet
Keyword(s):  
International Criminal ◽  
Scientific Evidence ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
Forensic Sciences ◽  
Mass Grave ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Scientific Analysis ◽  
Republika Srpska ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Second World

This article focuses on the judicial consideration of the scientific analysis of the Tomašica mass grave, in the Prijedor municipality of Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Often referred to as the largest mass grave in Europe since the Second World War, this grave was fully discovered in September 2013 and the scientific evidence gathered was included in the prosecution of Ratko Mladić before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Based on the exhaustive analysis of all the publicly available trial transcripts, this article presents how the Tomašica evidence proved symptomatic of the way in which forensic sciences and international criminal justice intertwine and of the impact of the former over the latter on the admissibility of evidence, the conduct of proceedings and the qualification of the crimes perpetrated.

scholarly journals The Srebrenica Genocide: Seventeen Years After

ICR Journal ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 583-585
Author(s):  
Senad Mrahorovic
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
War Crimes ◽  
The Other ◽  
The People ◽  
The Hague ◽  
The Republic ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Republika Srpska

In the beginning of 2012, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina have once again witnessed disturbing events in the Bosnian entity known as Republika Srpska. Several distinguished personalities were awarded the highest decoration, including Boris Tadic, the current president of the Republic of Serbia. With this award, President Tadic has been added to the list of people who previously have received the same decoration, such as Radovan Karadzic, Ratko Mladic, Slobodan Milosevic and others who were indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for charges of genocide and other war crimes committed during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the early 1990s. While the trial of Milosevic lasted for almost two years, it did not end, however, owing to his sudden death. The other two figures namely, Karadzic and Mladic, are currently being tried in The Hague by the ICTY.

Nationalisms in International Conflict

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cathie Carmichael
Keyword(s):  
International Criminal ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Sexual Crimes ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Fundamental Causes ◽  
Considerable Impact ◽  
Republika Srpska

Nationalism has made a significant contribution to state formation, but also to state deformation, secessionist movements, and wars. In international relations, nationalism has emerged as a particularly pressing problem over the question of disputed territorial boundaries. Indeed, nationalist movements seeking to change or revise boundaries by either negotiation, stealth, or force have been one of the most fundamental causes of both international and internal conflict in the modern era. The case of Bosnia-Hercegovina is a classic example of a long-running nationalist conflict which has had a profound empirical implications for both the social sciences and the humanities. The massacre at Srebrenica, ruled as genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague, had a considerable impact beyond the Balkans and the Netherlands. While discussing genocide and crimes against humanity in fair historical context within parts of Serbia and enclaves within Republika Srpska and Montenegro today has remained a difficult and challenging task, a growing number of scholars have shown interest in comparative genocide and the way in which events can be meaningfully compared. The case of Bosnia has also provoked numerous debates in other areas, including the role of sexual crimes in war; obfuscation and genocide denial among extreme nationalists; issues of citizenship, reconstruction, and peacekeeping; the shortcomings of the international community (with particular reference to the United Nations); and the role of international law, especially the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).

The Cruelty of False Remorse: Biljana Plavšić at The Hague

2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Subotić
Keyword(s):  
International Criminal ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
War Crimes ◽  
International Justice ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
War Crimes Trials ◽  
Look Back ◽  
Mass Atrocity ◽  
The Hague ◽  
Republika Srpska

Biljana Plavšić, the former president of Republika Srpska, was indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. After she plead guilty and issued a remorseful statement, the prosecution dropped the genocide charges and she was sentenced to 11 years in prison, and subsequently granted early release. While in prison, she published lengthy memoirs in which she retracted her confession. In this article, I take a look back at Plavšić's ICTY case to put forward three principal arguments. First, the Plavšić case demonstrates significant inconsistencies in ICTY procedures and sentencing, which have important ramifications for other international justice cases. Second, the expectation and hope displayed by many international justice promoters that war crimes trials may lead to truthful confessions, apologies, or acknowledgments of abuses is not borne out by evidence. Finally, the Plavšić case demonstrates that the international justice focus on individualizing accountability for mass atrocity is ill equipped to deal with the collectivist nature of such crimes.

The Peace versus Justice Debate Revisited

2020 ◽  
pp. 523-538
Author(s):  
Jacqueline R. McAllister
Keyword(s):  
International Criminal ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
Clinton Administration ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
International Criminal Tribunals ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Key Stakeholders ◽  
Bosnian War ◽  
Commitment Problems ◽  
Participation Decisions

Critics of international criminal tribunals (ICTs) charge that they undermine peace processes. Advocates of ICTs maintain that there can be no peace without justice. There is still much to learn about wartime ICTs’ impact on peace processes. This chapter addresses how the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) affected efforts to end the Bosnian War. Drawing on over 100 interviews with key stakeholders from the Bosnian peace process, and declassified data from the Clinton administration, the chapter finds that ICTY played a key role in facilitating peace efforts. Among other things, the ICTY’s indictments strengthened mediators’ hand in implementing crucial participation decisions. The ICTY also helped parties to overcome commitment problems. The analysis suggests that the ICTY’s cautious approach to indicting top leaders, coupled with the fact that mediators exercised discretion over the arrest and transfer of suspects, both capture why the ICTY facilitated, versus undermined peace efforts.

Fairness in National Courts Prosecuting International Crimes: The Case of the War Crimes Chamber of Bosnia-Herzegovina

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 712-734
Author(s):  
James Meernik ◽  
Josue Barron
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
War Crimes ◽  
International Crimes ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Bosnian War ◽  
Critical Issues ◽  
Lower Ranking ◽  
The Impact

The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber was established to adjudicate cases of violations of international law by lower-ranking individuals in Bosnia-Herzegovina, who were not prosecuted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). One of the most critical issues facing this Court, however, is whether its justice is unbiased by the ethnic divisions that characterized the Bosnian War (1992–1995) and the politics of Bosnia-Herzegovina ever since. Using a new database of first instance verdicts from the War Crimes Chamber (WCC), we test for the impact of ethnic bias on verdicts and sentences. While initial analyses seem to suggest such bias may exist, our multivariate model of sentencing indicates that other factors such as the gravity of the crimes and individual circumstances play a more powerful role than ethnicity.

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