scholarly journals 89’s Movement and Independent Union in China: the Beijing Workers Autonomous Federation

중소연구 ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-156
Author(s):  
장윤미
Keyword(s):  
2007 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 701-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Taylor ◽  
Qi Li

This article seeks to examine whether the All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) is a trade union organization, with implications for foreign unions, governments and other parties seeking to engage it. After examining the international context of pressure on China, the article will briefly outline the historical and present structure of the ACFTU and examine the problems the ACFTU faces in carrying out its functions. The article will argue through a number of criteria of union characteristics that the ACFTU is not a union. This is a more fundamental position than arguing the ACFTU is not an independent union. However, because the ACFTU is a state organ, closely subordinated to the Chinese Communist Party, foreign engagement can potentially lead to positive results for China's domestic labour. Finally, the article will briefly make suggestions for constructive engagement with the ACFTU as a state organ rather than as a union.


Just Labour ◽  
1969 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie Gagnon ◽  
Catherine Beaudry

Although workplace unions have many options when itcomes to affiliatingwith a central labour body, some unions decide to remain independent or todisaffiliate after an experience of affiliation. Toour knowledge, the literature hasnot widely examined the reasons behind the decisionof some unions to remainindependent. Based on a comparative case study of two university faculty unionsin Quebec, this article aims to partly fill this gap in analysis. The results showthat the particularities of the work of professorsand the types of expertiseneeded to perform their duties influence their choice for union independence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 545-562 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zeynep Ertem ◽  
Eugene Lykhovyd ◽  
Yiming Wang ◽  
Sergiy Butenko

Author(s):  
Dmytro Tinin

Today, employers like to complain about the low efficiency of their employees. However, they do not take into account the fact that they themselves are not only unable to adequately organize the labor process, but also very often create their own non-working atmosphere, full of intrigue, harassment and violence. As a result, labor productivity is low, there is hatred for each other in the team, and the most promising employees can not withstand the pressure and are fired. For the most part, in post-Soviet labor collectives with a well-developed informal management apparatus, the rights of workers enshrined in the current legislation are leveled and the practices of “etching” or “surviving” people from work become acceptable. These may be workers with other socio-political views, those who do not succumb to the dominant practices of psychological or sexual oppression, aim to create an independent union, who prefer to work decently, rather than participate in the competition "who is closer to the throne" at regular banquets and meetings, gradually losing professional and personal dignity. The spread of mobbing in the field of labor shows the vulnerability of the most vulnerable categories of the population to increased labor exploitation, declining social status and lack of social support. Predatory laws of the market system dictate predatory behavior to labor market participants who are afraid of losing their livelihoods. Mobbing is a clear result of material stratification and marginalization of a large part of the population of Ukraine. It is to such consequences that global capitalism leads. And of course, we need to treat the causes, not the consequences. However, with adequate legal mechanisms to combat mobbing, one can hope to reduce the violent pressure on the employee. This will be facilitated by the "legal mechanism of counteraction" and not by the punitive pressure of law enforcement agencies, which stigmatizes victims of mobbing as informers and justifies the need for violence against them instead of protecting professional honor and human dignity.


Author(s):  
Albert Wöcke ◽  
Jana Marais

Social movement theories applied to industrial relations are insufficient to explain recruitment and collective action focused on perceived injustices that are external to the workplace and that an employer has a limited ability to influence. The South African platinum mining industry has been characterised by increased collective action and the emergence of a new independent union at the expense of the incumbent union. The new union has mobilised primarily on external injustices that employers cannot directly influence. 299 Union members were interviewed of rival unions to examine the effect of using external perceived injustices as the main driver for collective action in the platinum mining industry in 2012//2013. The findings extend prior research on social movement theory and industrial relations and discuss the implications for unions allied to government and employers.


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