Overdue Wage Arrears Remain Low

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Lyashok
Keyword(s):  
Energy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 208 ◽  
pp. 118350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chi-Wei Su ◽  
Meng Qin ◽  
Ran Tao ◽  
Muhammad Umar
Keyword(s):  

2006 ◽  
Vol 111 (6) ◽  
pp. 1816-1870 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore P. Gerber
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-300
Author(s):  
Wioletta Nowak

Since the beginning of the 21st century, Turkmenistan’s economy has been growing very fast, which has been primarily generated through the extractive sector and construction industry. After the energy price collapse in mid-2014, the country has recorded a shortage of foreign currency. The authoritarian regime passed currency and economic problems onto the society. As a result, the country has experienced the most severe food crisis in its history. The main aim of the paper is to identify the reasons behind the food crisis in Turkmenistan. The paper tries to answer the following question: how did it happen that people in one of the fastest-growing countries in the 21st century have been suffering from food shortages? The study is based on data retrieved from the World Bank Open Data, ILOSTAT, and Observatory of Economic Complexity, as well as a critical review of independent news websites. The food crisis in Turkmenistan was primarily caused by hyperinflation and rationing basic groceries at preferential prices, wage arrears, cutting salaries of state employees to fund construction projects in progress, group layoffs of state employees, growing difficulties in running a private business, and depriving people of the possibility to exchange the currency at the official rate. The end of a free provision of Turkmenistan’s population with electricity, gas, and drinking water has further deepened the crisis.


2003 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandra Guariglia ◽  
Byung-Yeon Kim

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Hillenbrand

Over the last couple of decades, workers in China’s vast and poorly regulated construction industry have increasingly turned to suicidal performance as a radical means of securing wage arrears. These so-called suicide shows have drawn attention as expressions of escalating labor unrest in China, and thus have mostly been read through a political science prism. But these displays, precisely in their dramatic dimension, also open themselves up to a culturalist, even aesthetic analysis: they braid together mixed threads, from the Chinese tradition of suicide as righteous remonstrance to present-day forms of creatively embodied protest in the era of Occupy. At the same time, though, these workers have also fashioned an aesthetic intervention that is very much of their own devising. This article draws on an empirical base of two dozen suicide shows posted on video-sharing sites to argue that these performances force a visual rupture in the narcotically identikit Chinese cityscape, as the nation’s new poor, so often invisible to their social others on the street, climb to the highest urban summits and command extreme attention. Once there, they turn the rooftop into a site of performance that acts out the excruciating distinction between those who belong within the polis and the dispossessed: those who are cast out from the circle of humanity and are thus excluded from all avenues to legal and economic redress when they are wronged. As such, “cliffhanging” in China exemplifies what I call the fractious form, in which a tense encounter between different class actors under the regime of precarity becomes the genesis for a volatile cultural practice.


2005 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 540-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmytro Boyarchuk ◽  
Lilia Maliar ◽  
Serguei Maliar

2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank C. Thames

This article seeks to determine whether a political business cycle existed during Yeltsin's tenure in the Second Russian Republic. While Yeltsin certainly had the power and desire to increase his electoral chances, the lack of state resources and doubts about their appeal to voters presents an inconclusive picture concerning the existence of a political business cycle during this period. Statistical analysis, however, demonstrates that the level of real wage arrears decreased during electoral periods. Other measures, such as federal budget spending or the average monthly pension, only show weak indications of electoral period manipulation. Finally, the usefulness of buying votes in the Russian case, however, is questioned, considering Yeltsin's failures in various Duma elections.


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