scholarly journals China’s Assertive Foreign Policy in South China Sea Under Xi Jinping: Its Impact on United States and Australian Foreign Policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Lidya Christin Sinaga

This essay examines the impact of the assertiveness of China’s Foreign Policy in the South China Sea under Xi Jinping on United States and Australian foreign policy. The essay focuses on the  Xi Jinping period from 2013 because Xi has a different approach in foreign policy making from that of his predecessors. His determination to defend and advance maritime claims and interests as well as the external developments, have made his foreign policy  more assertive. This essay will argue that China’s assertive foreign policy in South China Sea under Xi Jinping has paved the way for a greater role for the US in Southeast Asia, and deepened the rivalry between China and the US. This rising tension in turn has put Australia in a challenging situation, torn between its security alliance with the United States, and its economic interests in  China. However, Australia does not have to choose one, but Australia can play a constructive role in the development of some compromise between the two.

Author(s):  
Sergey Vladimirovich Novoseltsev ◽  
Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov

This article analyzes the influence of the United States upon the political processes in APAC based on the example of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. An overview is given to the foreign policy concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First” proposed by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump respectively, the priorities outlined therein, as well as importance of the  conflict in the South China Sea for the US foreign policy. The author examines the practical steps taken by Washington in relation to the South China Sea question, as well as concludes on the objectives of the United States and possible steps in this direction. Although the theme of territorial disputes in the South China Sea, including the degree of  involvement of Washington into this issue, as well as other East Asian affairs, is quite popular in the scientific works,  the novelty of this research consists in the innovative approach towards consideration of the conflict in the South China Sea not as a separate problem of international relations, but as the foreign policy instrument of superpower and regional powers (including the United States) used for formatting the East Asian regional subsystem of international relations and structuring the Greater East Asia macroregion to their benefit.


Significance However, China's navy already has an operational sea-based nuclear deterrent based on Hainan Island. The deployment of nuclear-armed submarines, and their need to reach the mid-Pacific to threaten the continental United States, makes the South China Sea an arena not just of maritime disputes but of US-China military rivalry. Impacts The strategic importance of the Philippines, Taiwan and Singapore to the United States will increase. A new defence agreement with the Philippines will, as of last month, support US military activities in the area. Washington will encourage greater Japanese involvement in the South China Sea; as long as Shinzo Abe is prime minister, Japan will oblige.


2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (02) ◽  
pp. 15-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheng-Chwee KUIK

If “militarisation” is defined as an act of deploying military assets to pursue wider strategic ends, then all players of the South China Sea disputes have engaged in some forms of militarisation. China’s militarisation reflect three layers of target audiences: the United States (the main target), regional countries (the secondary target) and its domestic audience. Beijing’s growing anxieties over US rebalancing and the arbitration ruling have paradoxically pushed it to accelerate its “militarisation” activities.


Author(s):  
D.V. Mosyakov ◽  

The author analyzes the situation in the South China Sea at the height of the global Covid-19 coronavirus pandemic and concludes that the pandemic only exacerbates long-standing conflicts. The author also examines the position of China, the United States and the ASEAN countries in relation to disputes in the South China Sea, highlighting Vietnam, which has long been a "bone of contention" between Beijing and Washington.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fikry Anshori

<p>Abstrak<br />Latar belakang artikel ini adalah ekspansi China di Laut China Selatan serta pengaktifan kembali Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD adalah pertemuan non-formal yang beranggotakan United States, Australia, India, dan Japan. Artikel ini berusaha untuk menjawab ‘Apa keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD pasca pengaktifan kembali mereka untuk menghadapi kehadiran China di Laut China Selatan?’. Teori utama yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah Balance of Threat dari Stephen Walt. Hasil dari artikel ini memperlihatkan keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD adalah lokasi geografis, sebagian besar sumber daya dan persenjataan, serta program latihan perang bersama dan modernisasi persenjataan. Keunggulan tersebut dapat digunakan QSD untuk menghadapi niat mengancam dari China dengan kehadiran mereka di Laut China Selatan.</p><p>Abstract<br />The background of this article is the expansion of China in the South China Sea and the reactivation of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD is an informal meeting with members from the United States, Australia, India, and Japan. This article seeks to answer 'What advantages does QSD have after their reactivation to face China's presence in the South China Sea?'. The main theory used in this article is the Balance of Threat from Stephen Walt. The results of this article show the advantages possessed by QSD is the geographical location, the majority of resources and weapons, as well as joint war training and weapon modernization programs. These advantages can be used by QSD to face the threatening intentions of China with its presence in the South China Sea.</p>


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