scholarly journals AMERICAN-MEXICAN BORDER CONFLICTS IN THE 1870–1910S

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (07) ◽  
pp. 139-147
Author(s):  
V.V. Prilutskiy ◽  

The article analyzes the border conflicts between Mexico and the United States at the turn of the XIXth and XXth centuries. American-Mexican relations were an important factor in the development of the regional subsystem of international relations in the Western Hemisphere. Historically, Mexico and the United States have had a complicated relationship. Mexico in the late XIXth – early XXth centuries was a secondary peripheral state, which was mainly agrarian in nature. There were both phases of acute confrontation (almost the entire XIXth century and the beginning of the XXth century), as well as periods of good neighborliness, relatively good, friendly, stable relationships and constructive cooperation. In relations with the United States at that time, it remained rather not a subject, but an object of influence. The extreme American expansionists proposed in the middle of the XIXth century to capture all of Mexico. In response to the aggressive aspirations of America, the Mexican radicals put forward their territorial claims to the neighboring country. They hoped to regain the vast northern region, that was lost during the wars of 1835-1848, which included Upper California, New Mexico, Utah, Arizona and Texas (which was called the "New Philippines" during the era of Spanish colonization). There are two stages of confrontation between the two countries: the 1870s – 1890s and the 1910s – 1920s. The most serious exacerbations on the border occurred in 1876, 1877, 1891-1893, 1896, 1906 and 1910-1919. Both government troops and irregular (militias, partisans, rebels) formations took part in the regional armed conflict. As a result, the situation stabilized for almost a century.

1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 624-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Bushnell Hart

Because of the many contributions made by America to the world's ideals of government, the nation has the feeling that it is quite adequate to work out its own principles on all other subjects without the aid of any other people. “ What have we to do with abroad ? ” said a United States senator from Ohio, only thirty years ago; and the word “ un-American ” covers a multitude of virtues. In fact the roots of American institutions of all kinds, social, economic, and political, are in the traditions of the English race; and American ideals have been modified by the experience of other European nations. Nor has the western hemisphere been separated from the great current of world affairs. Its destinies have been closely interwoven with those of Europe; and since 1895 the United States has awakened to the fact that it not only is a part of the sisterhood of nations, but is destined to be one of the half dozen states which will powerfully influence the future of all the continents. The world is no longer round about America; America is part of the world.


1961 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-436
Author(s):  
William G. Cornelius

Much has been heard in the postwar years about “Hemispheric Solidarity.” In popular belief, this concept not only has concerned matters of security for the Western Hemisphere but frequently has been extended to cover practically all of the international relations of the American states. Particularly, there has been the widespread assumption that the Latin-American states form a bloc in the United Nations — and, incidentally, a bloc of twenty votes in the pocket of the United States.


This book uses trust—with its emotional and predictive aspects—to explore international relations in the second half of the Cold War, beginning with the late 1960s. The détente of the 1970s led to the development of some limited trust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which lessened international tensions and enabled advances in areas such as arms control. However, it also created uncertainty in other areas, especially on the part of smaller states that depended on their alliance leaders for protection. The chapters in this volume look at how the “emotional” side of the conflict affected the dynamics of various Cold War relations: between the superpowers, within the two ideological blocs, and inside individual countries on the margins of the East–West confrontation.


Author(s):  
Geir Lundestad

There are no laws in history. Realists, liberals, and others are both right and wrong. Although no one can be certain that military incidents may not happen, for the foreseeable future China and the United States are unlikely to favor major war. They have cooperated well for almost four decades now. China is likely to continue to focus on its economic modernization. It has far to go to measure up to the West. The American-Chinese economies are still complementary. A conflict with the United States or even with China’s neighbors would have damaging repercussions for China’s economic goals. The United States is so strong that it would make little sense for China to take it on militarily. There are also other deterrents against war, from nuclear weapons to emerging norms about international relations. It is anybody’s guess what will happen after the next few decades. History indicates anything is possible.


Author(s):  
Michelle Murray

How can established powers manage the peaceful rise of new great powers? With The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations, the author offers a new answer to this perennial question in international relations, arguing that power transitions are principally social phenomena whereby rising powers struggle to obtain recognition of their identity as a great power. At the center of great power identity formation is the acquisition of particular symbolic capabilities—such as battlesheips, aircraft carriers, or nuclear weapons—that are representative of great power status and that allow rising powers to experience their uncertain social status as a brute fact. When a rising power is recognized, this power acquisition is considered legitimate and its status in the international order secured, leading to a peaceful power transition. If a rising power is misrecognized, its assertive foreign policy is perceived to be for revisionist purposes, which must be contained by the established powers. Revisionism—rather than the product of a material power structure that encourages aggression or domestic political struggles—is a social construct that emerges through a rising power’s social interactions with the established powers as it attempts to gain recognition of its identity. The question of peaceful power transition has taken on increased salience in recent years with the emergence of China as an economic and military rival of the United States. Highlighting the social dynamics of power transitions, this book offers a powerful new framework through which to understand the rise of China and how the United States can facilitate its peaceful rise.


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