PROBLEMS OF UNREGULATED POLITICAL STATUS OF TERRITORIES AS A FACTOR OF DEEPENING CONTRADICTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

All international conflicts regarding unregulated political status of territories, despite the variety of their types, can be united by the lack of legitimate power in different parts of the earth's surface or the desire to establish such power. In order to differentiate all the conflicts regarding international legal unregulated political status of the territories according to their origin the following types can be proposed: 1) conflicts that arose as a result of the forcible annexation of territories, the incorporation of which is not recognized by the international community; 2) conflicts that arose due to the creation of the self-proclaimed states in the territories controlled by the occupation regimes; 3) conflicts that arose due to the creation of the self-proclaimed states as the result of domestic crisis reasons, but with the participation of foreign policy factors; 4) conflicts over disputable border areas and islands; 5) conflicts regarding political claims to dependent countries under the control of other states; 6) latent conflicts over claims on land and water areas, which according to international conventions should not be extended to the sovereignty of any state; 7) the Middle East conflict due to non-compliance with the decision of the UN General Assembly of 1947 on the establishment of a sovereign Arab state. The conflict over the legal status of Palestine and the there solution of the so-called self-proclaimed states are the main issues of geopolitical controversy among the various types of conflicts. The conflict-generating potential regarding disputes over control independent countries is much smaller today. Interstate border disputes mostly concern the status of individual islands. In order to avoid new conflicts, the UN needs to strengthen the status of Antarctica and the areas adjacent to the North Pole, making them as a neutral demilitarized territory, which can not be extended to the sovereignty of individual states. The greatest concentration of conflicts regarding the international legal unregulated political status of the territories is connected with the contradictions in the collapse of the USSR and in thein completeness and disorder of decolonization. Thus, the resolution of territorial and political conflicts requires the UN Security Council and international law modernization and reform, paying much attention to the conditions and circumstances of state and political self-determination, as well as the realization of effective sanctions in the case of annexation of territories. Among the various types of conflicts related to the international legal unresolved political status of territories, the main nodes of geopolitical controversy are Russia's occupation of Crimea and part of Donetsk and the conflict over the state status of Palestine and resolving the problems of so-called self-proclaimed states. its influence in the post-Soviet space. Key words: territorial-political conflict, types of conflicts concerning international legal unregulated status of territories, self-proclaimed states, border conflicts, status of Antarctica and Arctic.

Una aproximación geopolítica a las causas de la guerra

This paper discusses different geopolitical approaches to the causes of war. It starts by setting forth the historical relationship between geopolitics and warfare through different authors’ contributions to introduce the main explanations of this matter. In this way, we analyze the role of geography in warfare and its impact on conflicts. That leads us to the organicist perspective, which considers the expansion of the State a natural phenomenon that engenders war. Besides, physical geography also influences war outbreak. The second approach is the disposition of emerged land, which argues that specific places are prone to warfare due to their strategic location. The third approach is the accidental view. Its authors contend that war depends on the geographical distance between countries and border conflicts. Finally, we develop a new perspective based on geopolitical fragmentation to explain the war in modern Europe. This view explores the importance of fragmentation in the formation of the modern State and the shaping of an anarchical environment with the birth of the State’s system. Warfare became a trait of the international system because the modern State was born to wage war, and it became the dominant institution. Therefore, geopolitical fragmentation is the root cause behind violence between States in modern Europe.

The Role of Gulf Cooperation Council in Conflict Management, 1981–2019: A Comparative Study

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is considered one of the most important regional organizations in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region, which effectively solves some of the crises in the sub-region and the wider Middle East. GCC has employed many diplomatic procedures to address regional crises, including mediation, negotiation, and arbitration. Undoubtedly, GCC has successfully resolved some intrastate conflicts, particularly border conflicts among its member states. However, despite these achievements, the GCC has failed to resolve several regional disputes, and the continuation of such crises threatens the region’s security and stability. This article seeks to explore why the GCC institutions are ineffective in resolving some regional crises. In doing so, it addresses the comparative study by focusing on two case studies (the Iraq–Iran War and the ongoing Yemen Crisis) and provides three main results: first, the GCC has not directly intervened as an institution to resolve certain disputes; however, some GCC members have acted on its behalf and represented it. Second, despite the GCC member states’ efforts, they are still unable to resolve and settle some disputes because they prioritize self-interest over collaboration. Third, the conflict of interest of various regional actors contributes to the lack of significant progress in resolving crises.

Three’s Company: China and Taiwan Vying for Mandarin Education in India

With decades of stupendous growth and political détente between India and China, Mandarin has become an important human capital for Indians. India clearly shows a preference of Taiwan over China, when mediated between them for different Mandarin resources, even before the epidemic and Sino-India border conflicts. Recently, there have been suggestions to replace Confucius Institutes with Taiwanese institutions, and Taiwan has urged for strengthening cooperation with India in Mandarin education. This paper aims to discuss the feasibility for Taiwan Education Centre to monopolize the Mandarin education market of India. Through data collection and detailed analysis of literature by scholars of Taiwan, China and India, this paper argues that Taiwan alone is incapable of occupying the whole Indian market due to the inadequacy of Mandarin teaching resources and complex tripartite political relations. Moreover, the current trilateral strategies adopted by China, India and Taiwan dissuade the common interests. We propose a customization, cooperation and supervision model to advance Mandarin education in India, and further analyze the feasibility and potential resistance towards the cooperation. This paper is helpful to understanding the Chinese teaching situation in India. It addresses a timely question and offers possible resolution not only to India but also to other countries who are skeptical of Confucius Institutes.

AMERICAN-MEXICAN BORDER CONFLICTS IN THE 1870–1910S

The article analyzes the border conflicts between Mexico and the United States at the turn of the XIXth and XXth centuries. American-Mexican relations were an important factor in the development of the regional subsystem of international relations in the Western Hemisphere. Historically, Mexico and the United States have had a complicated relationship. Mexico in the late XIXth – early XXth centuries was a secondary peripheral state, which was mainly agrarian in nature. There were both phases of acute confrontation (almost the entire XIXth century and the beginning of the XXth century), as well as periods of good neighborliness, relatively good, friendly, stable relationships and constructive cooperation. In relations with the United States at that time, it remained rather not a subject, but an object of influence. The extreme American expansionists proposed in the middle of the XIXth century to capture all of Mexico. In response to the aggressive aspirations of America, the Mexican radicals put forward their territorial claims to the neighboring country. They hoped to regain the vast northern region, that was lost during the wars of 1835-1848, which included Upper California, New Mexico, Utah, Arizona and Texas (which was called the "New Philippines" during the era of Spanish colonization). There are two stages of confrontation between the two countries: the 1870s – 1890s and the 1910s – 1920s. The most serious exacerbations on the border occurred in 1876, 1877, 1891-1893, 1896, 1906 and 1910-1919. Both government troops and irregular (militias, partisans, rebels) formations took part in the regional armed conflict. As a result, the situation stabilized for almost a century.

Indian-Pakistani Border: Historical Development and Contemporary Principles of Reconciling Contradictions

The article is devoted to the study of the issue of the historical foundations of the existing border conflicts between India and Pakistan and the latest efforts of these two states and the international community in relation of resolving them. The roots of the existing Indian-Pakistani border conflicts go back to the time when India was a part of British colonial empire. To a decisive extent, such conflicts were a consequence of the British authority’s policy, which, in an effort to weaken the liberation movement in India, incited enmity between the largest ethno-religious groups of the population – Hindus and Muslims. This policy eventually led to the formation of two separate neighboring states – India and Pakistan, and these countries inherited numerous border conflicts. The largest among them is Kashmir, due to the gap of this territory between India and Pakistan. For several decades, the state of Jammu and Kashmir, according to Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, had a special status and broad autonomy.However, the Indian government, headed by N. Modi, eliminated this special status by removing this article from the country’s constitution in August 2019. Over the past year, under the influence of serious geopolitical changes in the Indo-Pacific region and South Asia, the government of N. Modi initiated a return to the consideration of the status of the former state of Jammu and Kashmir, and also seeks to develop an updated format for his stay in India. On June 25, 2021 the prime minister of India held an important meeting with a group of prominent politicians from Kashmir, which was the first public event by the Indian government after the liquidation of the Kashmir autonomy. During the meeting, a number of issues were discussed about the preparation for the future elections in the region. N. Modi described the meeting as “an important step towards increasing efforts in the development and progress of the territory of Jammu and Kashmir”.

Joint international military exercises of NATO countries... within the implementation of programs supporting peace and security in Ukraine

This article considers the issue of annexation of the Ukrainian Crimea peninsular territory by the RussianFederation and further deployment of the secessionist movement in the southeastern regions of Ukraine thatsubsequently developed into a military conflict in the east of Ukraine. The research analysed the directionsand character of the cooperation between the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Alliance military units. Thelevel of practical interaction within the framework of existing NATO-Ukraine bilateral partnership programs,including military trainings, was also identified. The chronology of transformation of organizational formsof Ukrainian army’s presence in the east of Ukraine from the Anti-Terrorist Operation to the Joint ForcesOperation and the role of NATO in this process were also considered. The elements of the North AtlanticAlliance’s influence on the reform of the Ukrainian army were identified directly following the requirementsand standards defined by the Organization. The role of NATO’s Liaison Office, located in Kyiv, Ukraine, andthe Center for Security and Information Processing was outlined. Particular attention was paid to the issueof counteracting cybercrimes and protecting the state’s information systems from external influences. Inparticular, reference was made to the protection of the state’s critical infrastructure elements (nuclear powerplants, strategic state-owned enterprises, etc.), including electronic registers of citizens e-lists and the state’sbanking system databases. The activities of the NATO Cybercrime Operations Centers and the establishmentof similar institutions in Ukraine were also researched. The maritime component of cooperation betweenUkraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was analysed, taking into account the aggravation ofthe situation in Azov-Black Sea region during 2018, associated with the passage of Ukrainian warships of theAzov Fleet of the Naval Forces of Ukraine through the Kerch Strait which is under the control of the occupyingtroops of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. As a result, so-called border conflicts were causedleading to the capture of Ukrainian warships and sailors by Russians in November 2018.

Pastoral Conflict, Emerging Trends and Environmental Stress in Nyangatom, Southern Ethiopia

This study examined the dynamics of conflict, emerging trends and relationship between inter-pastoral conflicts and environmental changes in Nyangatom, Southern Ethiopia. The study employed a qualitative approach and exploratory case study research design. The study revealed that inter-pastoral conflicts stem from multiple and compounding dynamics. The environmental change has escalated intense inter-pastoralists’ contestation and conflicts, including cross-border conflict, on the scarce and fast-depleting natural resources. Indeed, there is a causal link between inter-pastoral conflicts and environmental changes. In this regard, the environmental factor has uniquely affected the Nyangatom due to the drying of Kibish River and rapid invasion of Prosopis–Juliflora in their key grazing lands. In response to environmental stresses as part of the traditional copying mechanism, the Nyangatom cross border deep into South-Sudan to their ethnic kin of Toposa and into Kenya that usually causes frequent cross-border conflicts with Turkana pastoralists. Irrespective of discernible risk of conflicts, they used to migrate to Mursi and Surma territories that caused conflict. And yet, the Nyangatom has often engaged in frequent conflicts with Dasanach. The study suggests alternative livelihood options and an understanding of the complex conflict dynamics in view of the cause-effect relationships for future management of inter-pastoral and cross-border conflicts in the region.