Quest for Integrity: The Mexican-US Drug Issue in the 1980s

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Reuter ◽  
David Ronfeldt

The Flow of drugs from Mexico to the United States has been a source of trouble in US-Mexican relations for at least two decades. The dominant view in Mexico is that the problem arises from the inability of the United States to control its domestic demand for heroin, cocaine, and marijuana. The dominant US view has been that the Mexican government has failed to make effective efforts to control the supply of drugs. At times — in particular after the killing of Enrique Camarena, an agent of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), in 1985 — US government anger at Mexico's alleged failure to maintain the integrity of its anti-drug efforts has been the dominant source of friction between the two nations.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amir Azar R. Pashmineh ◽  
Alexandra Cruz-Mullane ◽  
Jaclyn C. Podd ◽  
Warren S. Lam ◽  
Suhail H. Kaleem ◽  
...  

AbstractAimsBuprenorphine is an opioid partial-agonist used to treat Opioid Use Disorders (OUD). While several state and federal policy changes have attempted to increase buprenorphine availability, access remains well below optimal levels. This study characterized how buprenorphine utilization in the United States has changed over time and whether there are regional disparities in distribution.MeasurementsBuprenorphine weights distributed from 2007 to 2017 were obtained from the Drug Enforcement Administration. Data was expressed as the percent change and as the mg per person in each state. Separately, the formulations for prescriptions covered by Medicaid (2008 to 2018) were examined.FindingsBuprenorphine distributed to pharmacies increased about seven-fold (476.8 to 3,179.9 kg) while the quantities distributed to hospitals grew five-fold (18.6 to 97.6 kg) nationally from 2007 to 2017. Buprenorphine distribution per person was almost 20-fold higher in Vermont (40.4 mg/person) relative to South Dakota (2.1 mg/person). There was a strong association between the number of waivered physicians per 100K population and distribution per state (r(49) = +0.76, p < .0005). The buprenorphine/naloxone sublingual film (Suboxone) was the predominant formulation (92.6% of 0.31 million Medicaid prescriptions) in 2008 but this accounted for less than three-fifths (57.3% of 6.56 million prescriptions) in 2018.ConclusionsAlthough buprenorphine availability has substantially increased over the last decade, distribution was very non-homogenous across the US.


Author(s):  
Brian Piper ◽  
Kenneth McCall ◽  
Lori Kogan ◽  
Peter Hellyer

Objective: To evaluate the changing pattern of distribution of Schedule II and III opioids, barbiturates, and stimulants to veterinary educational institutions in the United States. Design: Longitudinal study. Sample: Veterinary teaching institutions that use Schedule II and III drugs. Procedures: Distribution of controlled substances to veterinary teaching institutions was obtained from the Drug Enforcement Administration&rsquo;s Automated Reports and Consolidated Orders System (ARCOS) for opioids (e.g. methadone, fentanyl, codeine), barbiturates (pentobarbital, butalbital), and stimulants (amphetamine, methylphenidate, lisdexamfetamine) from 2006 - 2019. Opioids were converted to their morphine milligram equivalents (MME) for evaluation over time. Results: Controlled substance distribution to veterinary schools exhibited dynamic, and agent specific, changes. The total MME for eleven opioids peaked in 2013 and decreased by 17.3% in 2019. Methadone accounted for two-fifths (42.3%) and fentanyl over one-third (35.4%) of the total MME in 2019. Pentobarbital distribution was greatest by weight of all substances studied and peaked in 2011 at 69.4 kg. Stimulants underwent a pronounced decline and were very modest by 2014. Conclusions and Clinical Relevance: Opioids by total MME in veterinary teaching practice have undergone more modest changes than opioids used with humans. Hydrocodone, codeine and recently fentanyl use have declined while methadone increased. Stimulant distribution decreased to become negligible. Together, this pattern of findings warrant continued monitoring.


2021 ◽  
pp. 875512252110355
Author(s):  
Youngeun C. Armbuster ◽  
Brian N. Banas ◽  
Kristen D. Feickert ◽  
Stephanie E. England ◽  
Erik J. Moyer ◽  
...  

Background: Cocaine is a stimulant and Schedule II drug used as a local anesthetic and vasoconstrictor. Objective: This descriptive study characterized medical cocaine use in the United States. Methods: Retail drug distribution data from 2002 to 2017 were extracted for each state from the Drug Enforcement Administration, which reports on medical, research, and analytical chemistry use. The percentage of buyers (pharmacies, hospitals, and providers) was obtained. Use per state, corrected for population, was determined. Available cross-sectional data on cocaine use as reported by the Medicare and Medicaid programs for 2013-2017 and electronic medical records were examined. Results: Medical cocaine use decreased by −62.5% from 2002 to 2017. Hospitals accounted for 84.9% and practitioners for 9.9% of cocaine distribution in 2017. The number of pharmacies carrying cocaine dropped by −69.4%. The percentages of hospitals, practitioners, and pharmacies that carried cocaine in 2017 were 38.4%, 2.3%, and 0.3%, respectively. There was a 7-fold difference in 2002 (South Dakota, 76.1 mg/100 persons; Delaware, 10.1 mg/100 persons). Relative to the average state in 2017, those reporting the highest values (Montana, 20.1; North Dakota, 24.1 mg/100 persons) were significantly elevated. Cocaine use within the Medicare and Medicaid programs was negligible. Cocaine use within the Geisinger system was rare from 2002 to 2007 (<4 orders/100 000 patients per year) but increased to 48.7 in 2018. Conclusion and Relevance: If these pharmacoepidemiological patterns continue, licit cocaine may soon become a historical relic. The pharmacology and pharmacotherapeutics education of health care providers may need to be adjusted accordingly.


Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Délano Alonso

This chapter demonstrates how Latin American governments with large populations of migrants with precarious legal status in the United States are working together to promote policies focusing on their well-being and integration. It identifies the context in which these processes of policy diffusion and collaboration have taken place as well as their limitations. Notwithstanding the differences in capacities and motivations based on the domestic political and economic contexts, there is a convergence of practices and policies of diaspora engagement among Latin American countries driven by the common challenges faced by their migrant populations in the United States and by the Latino population more generally. These policies, framed as an issue of rights protection and the promotion of migrants’ well-being, are presented as a form of regional solidarity and unity, and are also mobilized by the Mexican government as a political instrument serving its foreign policy goals.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003335492097269
Author(s):  
Michael A. Flynn ◽  
Alfonso Rodriguez Lainz ◽  
Juanita Lara ◽  
Cecilia Rosales ◽  
Federico Feldstein ◽  
...  

Collaborative partnerships are a useful approach to improve health conditions of disadvantaged populations. The Ventanillas de Salud (VDS) (“Health Windows”) and Mobile Health Units (MHUs) are a collaborative initiative of the Mexican government and US public health organizations that use mechanisms such as health fairs and mobile clinics to provide health information, screenings, preventive measures (eg, vaccines), and health services to Mexican people, other Hispanic people, and underserved populations (eg, American Indian/Alaska Native people, geographically isolated people, uninsured people) across the United States. From 2013 through 2019, the VDS served 10.5 million people (an average of 1.5 million people per year) at Mexican consulates in the United States, and MHUs served 115 461 people from 2016 through 2019. We describe 3 community outreach projects and their impact on improving the health of Hispanic people in the United States. The first project is an ongoing collaboration between VDS and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to address occupational health inequities among Hispanic people. The second project was a collaboration between VDS and CDC to provide Hispanic people with information about Zika virus infection and health education. The third project is a collaboration between MHUs and the University of Arizona to provide basic health services to Hispanic communities in Pima and Maricopa counties, Arizona. The VDS/MHU model uses a collaborative approach that should be further assessed to better understand its impact on both the US-born and non–US-born Hispanic population and the public at large in locations where it is implemented.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Israa Daas ◽  

Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements


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