American Public Opinion on the Diplomatic Relations between the United States and the Papal States (1847-1867)

Diplomatic relations — Diplomatic agents — Immunity from jurisdiction — Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961 — Article 31(1)(c) — Action by domestic servant alleging that she had been trafficked and forced to work by former employers — Certification of diplomatic status of former employers — Whether diplomatic immunity continuing despite subsequent termination of diplomatic status — Whether commercial activity exception applicable to hiring of domestic servant — Whether subsequent attempts at service defective — Whether Court lacking jurisdiction — The law of the United States

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Trust in Government and the American Public’s Responsiveness to Rising Inequality

Political Research Quarterly ◽

10.1177/1065912919856110 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 73 (4) ◽

pp. 790-804 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

David Macdonald

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Public Opinion ◽

Income Inequality ◽

State Level ◽

Political Trust ◽

The United States ◽

Trust In Government ◽

Combine Data ◽

Election Studies ◽

The Relationship

The United States has become increasingly unequal. Income inequality has risen dramatically since the 1970s, yet public opinion toward redistribution has remained largely unchanged. This is puzzling, given Americans’ professed concern regarding, and knowledge of, rising inequality. I argue that trust in government can help to reconcile this. I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the Cumulative American National Election Studies (CANES) from 1984 to 2016. I find that trust in government conditions the relationship between inequality and redistribution, with higher inequality prompting demand for government redistribution, but only among politically trustful individuals. This holds among conservatives and non-conservatives and among the affluent and non-affluent. These findings underscore the relevance of political trust in shaping attitudes toward inequality and economic redistribution and contribute to our understanding of why American public opinion has not turned in favor of redistribution during an era of rising income inequality.

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Introduction to the Special Issue: Soft Power of Civil Society in International Relations

Japanese Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s1468109912000229 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 13 (4) ◽

pp. 473-476

Author(s):

TAKASHI INOGUCHI

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Public Opinion ◽

Civil Society ◽

International Relations ◽

Soft Power ◽

The United States ◽

Special Issue ◽

Policy Makers

This special issue focuses on the role of civil society in international relations. It highlights the dynamics and impacts of public opinion on international relations (Zaller, 1992). Until recently, it was usual to consider public opinion in terms of its influence on policy makers and in terms of moulding public opinion in the broad frame of the policy makers in one's country. Given that public opinion in the United States was assessed and judged so frequently and diffused so globally, it was natural to frame questions guided by those concepts which pertained to the global and domestic context of the United States.

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CONSULAR RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE PAPAL STATES. By Leo Francis Stock, ed. Washington: American Catholic Historical Association, 1945. 467 pages.

Church History ◽

10.2307/3160409 ◽

1946 ◽

Vol 15 (2) ◽

pp. 144-144

Author(s):

Richard D. Pierce

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

The United States ◽

Papal States ◽

American Catholic

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Christopher Ellis.Putting Inequality in Context: Class, Public Opinion, and Representation in the United States. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. 2017. 240 pp. $75.00 (cloth)

Public Opinion Quarterly ◽

10.1093/poq/nfy044 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 82 (4) ◽

pp. 786-790

Author(s):

Amber Wichowsky

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Public Opinion ◽

The United States ◽

University Of Michigan ◽

Ann Arbor

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Moving a Mountain: The Extraordinary Trajectory of Same-Sex Marriage Approval in the United States

Socius Sociological Research for a Dynamic World ◽

10.1177/2378023117727658 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 3 ◽

pp. 237802311772765 ◽

Cited By ~ 10

Author(s):

Michael J. Rosenfeld

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Public Opinion ◽

Gay Rights ◽

General Social Survey ◽

The United States ◽

Same Sex ◽

Same Sex Marriage ◽

Small Set ◽

Using Data ◽

Election Studies

Most public opinion attitudes in the United States are reasonably stable over time. Using data from the General Social Survey and the American National Election Studies, I quantify typical change rates across all attitudes. I quantify the extent to which change in same-sex marriage approval (and liberalization in attitudes toward gay rights in general) are among a small set of rapid changing outliers in surveyed public opinions. No measured public opinion attitude in the United States has changed more and more quickly than same-sex marriage. I use survey data from Newsweek to illustrate the rapid increase in the 1980s and 1990s in Americans who had friends or family who they knew to be gay or lesbian and demonstrate how contact with out-of-the-closet gays and lesbians was influential. I discuss several potential historical and social movement theory explanations for the rapid liberalization of attitudes toward gay rights in the United States, including the surprising influence of Bill Clinton’s 1992 presidential campaign.

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Two Models of Public Opinion: Bacon's ‘New Logic’ and Diotima's ‘Tale of Love’ (The Prothero Lecture)

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society ◽

10.2307/3678933 ◽

1974 ◽

Vol 24 ◽

pp. 79-96

Author(s):

Samuel H. Beer

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Public Policy ◽

Eighteenth Century ◽

Public Opinion ◽

Theoretical Approach ◽

Democratic Theory ◽

The United States ◽

Representative Government ◽

The Subject ◽

Work Done

It is appropriate that an American should address himself to the subject of public opinion. For, in terms of quantity, Americans have made the subject peculiarly their own. They have also invested it with characteristically American concerns. Most of the work done on the subject in the United States is oriented by a certain theoretical approach. This approach is democratic and rationalist. Both aspects create problems. In this paper I wish to play down the democratic problem, viz., how many of the voters are capable of thinking sensibly about public policy, and emphasize rather the difficulties that arise from modern rationalism. Here I take a different tack from most historians of the concept of public opinion, who, taking note of the origin of the term in the mid-eighteenth century, stress its connection with the rise of representative government and democratic theory.

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