The Mobilization of Public Support for an Authoritarian Regime: The Case of the Lower Class in Mexico City

AbstractFor the last two decades, archaeologists have believed that a ceramic type known as Indígena Ware was an imitation of European majolica, produced by colonial Nahuas in Mexico City for lower-class Spanish families. Ideas surrounding the production and consumption of Indígena Ware, as well as majolica in general, have been based on the concepts of Spanish domination and indigenous acculturation. These ideas emphasize European interests in displaying high-value imports to obtain distinction along racial and class lines, and fail to consider indigenous strategies for obtaining power through craft production and display. We begin by critically evaluating the stylistic, iconographic, and technical evidence archaeologists have used to suggest that Indígena Ware was an indigenous product. We present the results from neutron activation analysis of 250 ceramic sherds indicating that Indígena Ware forms its own compositional group, different from Aztec pottery and Spanish majolica, and suggest that Indígena Ware is most likely a Spanish import. The problems this ware presents for classification reveal the limitations of locating power exclusively in the hands of the Spanish and point to ways in which we could overcome this theoretical problem for the study of colonialism in Mexico.

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Power, Marginality, and Participation in Mexico City, 1870–2000

New World Cities ◽

10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648750.003.0003 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 69-111

Author(s):

John Tutino

Keyword(s):

Mexico City ◽

Authoritarian Regime ◽

Metropolitan Region ◽

Formal Development ◽

National Capital ◽

Late Nineteenth

Traces changing economic ways and political participations in the Mexican capital from the era of late nineteenth liberalism and emerging informalities, into times of revolution after 1910, through the post-revolutionary turn to national capitalism and the construction of an authoritarian regime. With industrial boom after 1940, neither employment or resources proved sufficient to formal development in a rapidly expanding city, leading to barrio-based informal urbanization, as people built their own homes and new neighbourhoods—and turned to neighbourhood mobilizations to make demands and preserve limited gains. With globalization under NAFTA from 1990s, de-industrialization spread marginality while population continued to grow. The democratization of 2000 brought few gains to people facing marginal and informal lives in a city still the national capital, a pivot of power serving globalization, and the largest metropolitan region in the Americas.

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Gender and judging in Tunisia and the intersections of penalty and privilege

Oñati Socio-legal Series ◽

10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1204 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Maaike Voorhoeve

Keyword(s):

Lower Class ◽

International Community ◽

Authoritarian Regime ◽

Gender Binary ◽

Patricia Hill Collins ◽

Experiences Of Women

The international community encourages countries to increase the number of women in the judiciary. This is partly based on the hypothesis that female judges make the bench representative of society. However, the question arises as to which women we are referring to. While the experiences of women are different from men because of their sex, experiences of lower-class women are also different from those from the middle and upper classes, as experiences of women belonging to a minority are different from those belonging to the majority. Using the intersectionality grid of “penalty and privilege” proposed by Patricia Hill Collins (2000), this article aims to look beyond the gender-binary in the study of judges in Muslim contexts by bringing in an intersectional approach, using Tunisia as a case study. Focusing on two female judges functioning under the Tunisian authoritarian regime, this study hopes to show how different women bring different experiences to the bench.

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Politics, Economy, and Dynamics of Presidential Popularity in the Kim Dae Jung Government in South Korea

Journal of East Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s1598240800000746 ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 2 (1) ◽

pp. 241-259 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Hoon Jaung

Keyword(s):

Public Support ◽

Lower Class ◽

Political Issues ◽

The Public ◽

South Korean ◽

Approval Rate ◽

Political Events ◽

Public Evaluation ◽

Presidential Popularity ◽

Presidential Performance

What determines the public evaluation of South Korean president? Is it a temporal cycle of presidential tenure, the economy or political events? This paper explores these questions by examining the case of President Kim Dae Jung who enjoyed high popularity in the early phase of his tenure but experienced consistent decline of popularity after 18 months in office, much like his predecessors did. The paper argues that the high and low of public support for the president is not simply a function of the temporal cycle and that the fluctuation of public rating is strongly influenced by the public's consideration of economic matters and corruption scandals. In the case of the current South Korean president, one's performance in resuscitating the economy could not rescue a president besieged by one corruption scandal after another. Also, the improved economic conditions did not save Kim Dae Jung's public approval rate from tumbling, because reforms failed to alleviate the economic hardship felt by the lower class. All of this demonstrates that the public does separate economic and political issues and weigh them disproportionately in evaluating presidential performance.

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The Fall Of President Muhammed Hosni Mubarak And The Prospects For Democratization In Egypt

Syariah Jurnal Hukum dan Pemikiran ◽

10.18592/sy.v19i1.2640 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 19 (1) ◽

pp. 33

Author(s):

Nuril Khasyiin

Keyword(s):

Economic Crisis ◽

Attitude Change ◽

Regime Change ◽

Lower Class ◽

Authoritarian Regime ◽

Upper Class ◽

Human Rights Abuses ◽

The Public ◽

Will Force ◽

Powerful Explanation

This study discusses fall of the Mubarak regime by looking the factors and analyze how the authoritarian regime change toward democracy. January 25, became a real effort to realize that dream. This study begins with a discussion; efforts in seeking Mubarak legitimacy to support his power from Sadat's opposition, and continued with the factors that led Mubarak’s support, moved to be opposition. It’s describes the end of Mubarak regime. His Opposition from the middle class, lower class and some upper class (military). They are became a major actor in fall of the Mubarak regime. Mubarak's regime is dominated by the ruling classes in cooperation with employers in taking the natural resources of Egypt. Upper-class diversion such as corruption, electoral manipulation, arrest opposition parties and human rights abuses became commonplace in this regime. Employers in this regime to explore the economic resources. After the economic crisis, these classes subordinan then rose up against the dominant classes. This study uses a theoretical approach (replacement and legitimacy). With this both theoreticals approach will help the authors provide a powerful explanation of the fact that the field has been meticulous writer. Hepotesa of this study was Mubarak's supporters will move into the opposition, if their interests and needs are not met anymore. Mubarak attitude change employers are more concerned with the prosperity of the public, abuse of power by officers, with the pressure of economic crisis, will force the opposition to end with this authoritarian regime. Keywords: Egypt, Authoritarian Regime, Economic Crisis, Regime Change, Fall Mubarak.

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(Hapsburg) Law and (Bourbon) Order: State Authority, Popular Unrest, and the Criminal Justice System in Bourbon Mexico City

The Americas A Quarterly Review of Latin American History ◽

10.2307/1007894 ◽

1994 ◽

Vol 50 (4) ◽

pp. 501-525 ◽

Cited By ~ 45

Author(s):

Michael C. Scardaville

Keyword(s):

Mexico City ◽

Social Order ◽

Lower Class ◽

Food Distribution ◽

Colonial Mexico ◽

Social Stability ◽

Security Forces ◽

Economic Forces ◽

Short And Long Term

The relative absence of riots in colonial Mexico City is an intriguing phenomenon which has attracted the recent attention of scholars interested in questions of social stability and conflict. While the Mexican countryside experienced over 130 rebellions in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the cities by comparison remained calm. The most cogent explanation of urban lower class passivity during the late colonial period has been formulated by Eric Van Young, who suggests that a number of short- and long-term social and economic forces converged to keep the cities, most notably Mexico City, relatively quiet during the wars for independence. Among those he noted were the existence of urban social service and food-distribution institutions, the presence of security forces, an atomized and fluid social order, the lack of traditional communal rights to defend, and weak organizational means to focus discontent.

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