State of Emergency: The Full Story of Mau Mau and Kenya To-Day: Social Prerequisites for Economic Development

1963 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 462-463
Author(s):  
J. J. B. Somerville
1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce J. Berman

In the twenty-odd years since the declaration of a state of emergency in Kenya in October 1952, the analysis of the phenomenon known as ‘Mau Mau’ has undergone a fundamental revision. The initial interpretation, advanced by the colonial authorities and their apologists and by a few (mostly British) scholars, explained ‘Mau Mau’ as a fanatic, atavistic, savage religious cult consciously created and manipulated by a group of unscrupulous, power-hungry leaders. It was said to be rooted in a mass psychosis affecting an unstable tribe freed from the anchoring constraints of tradition. It was also said to have had no direct links to socio-economic conditions in the colony or to the policies of the Kenya government. This interpretation, popularized by a large and sensational journalistic literature, went virtually unchallenged for more than a decade. During this period ‘Mau Mau’ and its antecedents were largely ignored by social scientists. As late as 1965, Gilbert Kushner could report that a search of major anthropological journals revealed, at best, only peripheral mention of Mau Mau. Where ‘Mau Mau’ was explicitly considered, the basic premise of the official explanation was generally accepted, and the phenomenon was treated as a nativistic cult or revitalization movement.


Author(s):  
John M. Gachoki

The article sets out to examine the correlation between the drinking problem that has beset youth of Central Kenya and the oaths that were taken by residents in the region in the wake of the struggle for socio-political and economic independence (in 1950s). It is worthwhile to recall that the Mau Mau philosophy discouraged the abuse of drugs, and especially alcohol. It was the belief that the breach of oaths spelt calamity. The youth might disassociate themselves from beliefs of their fathers and forefathers. However, since most of them are Christians, nominal or practical, they should be awed because the bible has it that, ‘’. . . I, the Lord your God, am a jealous God, punishing the children for the sin of the fathers to the third and fourth generation . . .’’ (Deuteronomy 5:9). Characteristically, the communities in Central Kenya share many aspects of culture, especially beliefs and religious practices. For example, breach of oaths was a taboo. The article seeks to establish the connection between the high degree of alcohol abuse to the violation of oaths that the Mau Mau (freedom fighters) patriots took before and during the State of Emergency (1952-1960). Certainly, anything taboo was ominous. Mau Mau agitated for independence, and more importantly, the return of land, the bond that bound together the living, the dead and the unborn. Land was seen in our indigenous society as sacred and it was not to change hands in any way. Mau Mau took oaths to the effect that whoever breached it would attract catastrophe, including death. In view of this, the article would seek to establish if the drinking problem in the Mount Kenya (central) region is a consequence of breaching Mau Mau oaths.


1963 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
Donald C. Savage ◽  
Fred Majdalany ◽  
Alan Rake ◽  
George Bennett ◽  
Carl Rosberg
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-495
Author(s):  
Melvina Afra Mendes de Araújo

To extinguish the Mau Mau, a movement driven by land issues that marked Kenya, the colonial government declared a state of emergency in 1952, creating villages to which the Kikuyu population was displaced, as well as detention camps for the guerrillas. Therefore, it is worth analyzing the relationships amongst Consolata missionaries and the Mau Mau guerrillas, which led to an approximation between these missionaries and the Kikuyu.


2000 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 200-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Casson

In May 1955, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Geoffrey Fisher, visited Fort Hall in Kenya’s Kikuyu native reserve. The colonial government had declared a state of emergency nearly three years before in response to a secret and violent Kikuyu anti-colonial movement which it knew as Mau Mau. In the ensuing guerrilla war several thousand were killed, almost all of them Africans, and some eighty thousand Kikuyu were held in detention camps.


SEER ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-50
Author(s):  
Miodrag Komarčević ◽  
Petar Čelik ◽  
Ivan Arnautović

This wide-ranging article takes a theoretical look at the implications of the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) virus for the concept of the securitisation of a state, encompassing the debate about whether social security occupies a place within securitisation studies. The authors point to, and explore, the concurrent presence of three social phenomena with global effects: digitalisation and business automation; securitisation of the systems of health and social protection; and the emergence of the Covid-19 pandemic with all its disruptive potential. They also consider closely how these phenomena relate to the already-troubled social position in the Republic of Serbia, alluding also to the deliberate use of the concept of securitisation to convince the population of the need to take drastic safeguarding steps, including the announcement of a state of emergency. The authors conclude broadly on the implications that Covid-19 has for socio-economic development, that social security does play a role within securitisation and, with a sharp prod to nationalisms as a response to the virus, that global problems and risks require global solutions.


1976 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Tamarkin

This article attempts to trace the origins of Mau Mau movement in Nakuru, the capital of the White Highlands, and to follow its development through the turbulent post-war years. Mau Mau here is seen as a distinct militant movement which advocated the use of violence in the anti-colonial struggle. It developed within the ranks of the Kikuyu Central Association whose moderate political strategy it rejected. It had a distinct social basis, both its leadership and its mass support coming from the ranks of the dispossessed urban Kikuyu lumpenproletariat. Mau Mau emerged, by 1952, as the dominant African political force at the cost of alienating most non-Kikuyu tribes, and intensifying divisions and hatreds within Kikuyu society. Although Mau Mau did not have definite plans for a large-scale guerrilla war when the State of Emergency was declared in October 1952, nor was it prepared for such a war, it was certainly developing along these lines. There was a large measure of continuity between pre-Emergency Mau Mau and the forces which were later engaged in the forest fighting. The forest fighting was primarily a response, not of the bewildered Kikuyu masses, but of an organized militant and violent movement. It is not suggested that Nakuru's model applies to other Kikuyu areas. On the contrary, it is suggested that the full story of Mau Mau in Kenya will be revealed only after a series of intensive local studies have been undertaken.


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