Voting Hopes or Fears? White Voters, Black Candidates, and Racial Politics in America. Keith Reeves

1999 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Swain

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 621-638
Author(s):  
Richard Johnson

AbstractMany commentators have described Barack Obama as a ‘deracialized’ politician. In contrast to ‘racialized’ Black candidates, deracialized politicians are said to deemphasize their Black racial identity, downplay the racial legacies of American inequality, and favor race-neutral over racially targeted policies. Puzzlingly, this narrative of Obama’s racial politics sits incongruously with his political curriculum vitae, spent largely in contexts which are difficult to describe as deracialized. This article holds that commentators have misjudged Barack Obama’s racial politics by conflating a contingent electoral strategy with a deeper expression of Obama’s racial philosophical commitments. In explaining these commitments, the article finds the deracialized/racialized framing inadequate. Instead, it favors the typology of racial policy alliances situating Obama within the “race-conscious” policy alliance rather than the “color-blind” alliance. By returning to the site of Obama’s political development, Hyde Park in Chicago, the paper uncovers a tradition of racial politics in which Blacks formed coalitions with progressive Whites but also embraced Black racial identity, acknowledged the enduring legacies of slavery and Jim Crow, and supported targeted policies to overturn these racial legacies. The article argues that Obama was an inheritor of this tradition.



1995 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol K. Sigelman ◽  
Lee Sigelman ◽  
Barbara J. Walkosz ◽  
Michael Nitz


Daedalus ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 140 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taeku Lee

After Barack Obama's historic election, media reports overwhelmingly credited white independents with setting aside decades of racially polarized voting to send the nation's first black president to the White House. Lee looks more closely to reveal that Obama owes a greater debt to non-white voters (partisan and nonpartisan) than to white independents. As more people of color – including immigrant and second-generation Latinos and Asian Americans – join the ranks of nonpartisan voters, the concept of pan-racialism can shed light on how individuals of a shared demographic category come to engage, politically, as a group. The age of Obama calls not for the celebration of a post-racial politics, but rather for a collective struggle to build a pan-racial politics: that is, a politics of mutual recognition, inclusion, and moral partiality between all racial and ethnic groups.



2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 249-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles S. Bullock ◽  
Richard E. Dunn

In the wake of Miller v. Johnson (1995) which required redrawing of congressional districts in order to conform with the U.S. Constitution, African Americans have begun winning elections in majority-white southern congressional districts. Three hypotheses to account for the increased rates of white voter support are examined. The incumbency hypothesis explains black victories in terms of increased white support which comes in response to the activities of the incumbent. The color blind white hypothesis suggests that white voters are no more likely to reject a black Democrat candidate than a white Democrat. The greater tolerance hypothesis suggests that while African Americans now get larger shares of the white vote than in the past, they still run less well than white Democrats. Evidence from almost 100 congressional elections shows that although greater percentages of the white electorate votes for black candidates than in the past, black Democrats continue to attract smaller shares of the white vote than to white Democrats. This pattern maintains after controlling for incumbency, campaign spending, candidate experience and white partisanship.



2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-150
Author(s):  
Tim DeJong

This essay examines attitudes toward the future in D. W. Griffith's film The Birth of a Nation, focusing in particular on the opposed emotions hope and fear. In doing so, it establishes critical connections between the film's aesthetic philosophy – which is marked by an attempt to control its characters, its audience, and even history itself – and the film's troubling and much-discussed racial politics. Griffith's stated beliefs in the ability of cinema to fully capture the past and in turn to dictate to its audience the terms of the future, manifest themselves everywhere in The Birth of a Nation not only thematically but formally. However, the film sets an impossible task for itself, and where it falls short, its own hopes and fears become dramatically visible. This failure indicates that The Birth of a Nation is ultimately imbricated in the modernist episteme of uncertainty it works to deny and disavow.



Author(s):  
Doug McAdam

The tumultuous onset of Donald Trump’s administration has so riveted public attention that observers are in danger of losing a historical perspective. Trump’s rhetoric and behavior are so extreme that the tendency is to see him and the divisions he embodies as something new in American politics. Instead, Trump is only the most extreme expression of a brand of racial politics practiced ever more brazenly by the Republican Party since the 1960s. His unexpected rise to power was aided by a number of institutional developments in American politics that also have older roots. In the spirit of trying to understand these historical forces, the chapter describes (a) the origins and evolution of the exclusionary brand of racial politics characteristic of the Republican Party since the 1960s, and (b) three illiberal institutions that aided Trump’s rise to power, and that, if left unchanged, will continue to threaten the survival of American democracy.



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