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2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Rushakoff ◽  
Loren Gragert ◽  
Marcelo Pando ◽  
Darren Stewart ◽  
Edmung Huang ◽  
...  

Background: Homozygosity for human leukocyte antigens (HLA) has been associated with adverse outcomes after viral infection as well as pregnancy-induced HLA sensitization. We sought to assess the relationship between HLA locus homozygosity and the level of HLA antibody sensitization. Methods: We measured sensitization using the calculated panel reactive antibody (CPRA) value for a large cohort of 147,461 patients added to the US OPTN/UNOS kidney transplant waitlist between December 2014 and December 2019. We used multinomial logistic modeling to compare 62,510 sensitized patients to 84,955 unsensitized controls. Results: We found that the number of homozygous HLA loci was strongly associated with the level of sensitization. Within highly- or extremely-sensitized candidates, women displayed a higher relative abundance of HLA homozygosity at multiple HLA loci as compared to men, with attenuation of this effect in Black candidates. In multinomial logistic modeling, the number of homozygous HLA loci was an independent predictor of sensitization and interacted with female sex but not with other factors associated with sensitization. Conclusions: This study shows that HLA homozygosity is an innate genetic factor that contributes to HLA sensitization, and enhances the effect of pregnancy-related sensitization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 447-447
Author(s):  
Nadia Chu ◽  
Alden Gross ◽  
Xiaomeng Chen ◽  
Qian-Li Xue ◽  
Karen Bandeen-Roche ◽  
...  

Abstract Frailty is commonly measured for clinical risk stratification during transplant evaluation and is more prevalent among older, non-White kidney transplant (KT) patients. However, group differences may be partially attributable to misclassification resulting from measurement bias (differential item functioning/DIF). We examined the extent that DIF affects estimates of age, sex, and race differences in frailty (physical frailty phenotype/PFP) prevalence among 4,300 candidates and 1,396 recipients. We used Multiple Indicators Multiple Causes with dichotomous indicators to assess uniform DIF in PFP criteria attributable to age (≥65vs.18-64 years), sex, and race (Black vs.White). Among candidates (mean age=55 years), 41% were female, 46% were Black, and 19% were frail. After controlling for mean frailty level, females were more likely to endorse exhaustion (OR=1.20,p=0.003), but less likely to endorse low activity (OR=0.83,p=0.01). Younger candidates were more likely to endorse weight loss (OR=1.30,p=0.005), exhaustion (OR=1.60,p<0.001), and low activity (OR=1.80,p<0.001). Black candidates were more likely to endorse exhaustion (OR=1.25,p<0.001), but less likely to endorse weakness (OR=0.79,p<0.001). Among recipients (mean age=54 years), 40% were female, 39% were Black, and 15% were frail. Younger recipients were more likely to endorse weight loss (OR=1.55,p=0.005) and low activity (OR=1.61,p=0.02); however, no DIF was detected by sex or race. Results highlight the impact of DIF for specific PFP measures by age, sex, and race among candidates, but only by age for recipients. Further research is needed to ascertain whether candidate- and/or recipient-specific thresholds to correct for DIF could improve risk prediction and equitable access to KT for older, female, and Black candidates.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nasima M.H. Carrim

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to gain an understanding of the challenges Indian women managers face in their career ascendancy.Design/methodology/approach: Using a qualitative approach, to gain an in-depth understanding of the intersectional issues and challenges younger and older Indian women managers face in their career progress towards senior- and top-managerial positions.Findings/results: The results indicate that the intersection of the socio-historical-political contexts, together with racial, gender, cultural and workplace impediments, produces both different and converging outcomes for older and younger Indian women managers in their upward career mobility. Compared with their older counterparts, the career ascendancy of younger participants is more challenging, as they have to compete against a bigger pool of qualified black candidates. A research limitation is that the study did not compare the experiences of Indian women with Indian men regarding their career ascendency.Practical implications: Practical implications include managers needing to implement targeted succession planning, eradicate sexism and patriarchy and introduce formal mentorship, coaching and networking programmes.Originality/value: The article compares the experiences of younger and older Indian women managers in a changing political landscape. The findings of the study indicate that the experiences of women across generations differ, as their career ascendancy is dissimilar.


Sister Style ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 135-163
Author(s):  
Nadia E. Brown ◽  
Danielle Casarez Lemi

This chapter presents findings from two survey experiments on Black voters. As many Black candidates run in majority-minority districts, the chapter’s focus on Black voters approximates realistic scenarios. Experiment 1 focuses on Black voters’ evaluations of a single candidate as her skin tone and hairstyle are varied, and Experiment 2 focuses on Black Democratic voters’ evaluations of two Black women candidates to determine whether appearances have the potential to split Black Democrats’ votes. Experiment 2 approximates real-world scenarios like the 2019 mayoral election in Chicago between Lori Lightfoot and Toni Preckwinkle. This chapter speaks to how Black voters evaluate Black women candidates who vary in phenotype.


2020 ◽  
pp. 000-000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher F. Karpowitz ◽  
Tyson King-Meadows ◽  
J. Quin Monson ◽  
Jeremy C. Pope
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (175) ◽  
pp. 8-29
Author(s):  
Luiz Mello ◽  
Ubiratan Pereira de Resende

Abstract In this study, quali-quanti methodology was applied to analyze the implementation of Law no. 12,990/2014 on quotas for Black candidates at 63 federal universities and 38 federal ‘institutes’ (secondary and vocational training), during the period that spanned 2014 to 2018. The law reserves 20% of teaching vacancies filled through federal civil servant examinations for Black people. We observe the distance that separates the legally-stipulated conditions and actual practice in these institutions. As five years have now gone by since the passage of this legislation, it seems safe to say that the goal of expanding racial/color diversity in federal civil service will not be achieved through public examinations for teaching careers. Moreover, meeting this goal becomes progressively harder, given the present scenario of resurgence of meritocratic discourses that question the legitimacy of affirmative actions for Afro-Brazilians.


Poll Power ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 90-109
Author(s):  
Evan Faulkenbury

This chapter chronicles the VEP’s impact on black southerners and politics after the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Under the leadership of Vernon Jordan, the VEP went beyond voter registration and started programs to educate African Americans about the political process. The VEP also started hosting conferences designed to swell the number of black candidates running for various political offices across the South. During this period, not only did the VEP increase the number of black southern voters, it also grew black political power in a variety of ways at local and state levels across the American South.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Stout

AbstractWhile a number of studies demonstrate that black candidates have the ability to increase black political participation, a growing literature is investigatingwhydescriptive representation matters. This paper contributes to this discussion by exploring whether perceptions of candidate traits play a mediating role between the presence of an African American candidate on the ballot and increases in black political activity. I test this trait hypothesis using data from the 1992–2012 American National Election Study, a survey experiment, and statistical mediation analysis. The results indicate that perceptions of black candidates as being better leaders, more empathetic, knowledgeable, intelligent, honest, and moral explain a substantial amount of why descriptive representation increases black political participation across a range of different political activities. In the conclusion, I discuss the importance of the psychological link between blacks and their co-racial representatives in inspiring higher levels of political participation.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Michael Gaddis

Racial inequality in economic outcomes, particularly among the college-educated, persists throughout U.S. society. Scholars debate whether this inequality stems from racial differences in human capital (e.g. college selectivity, GPA, college major) or employer discrimination against black job candidates. However, limited measures of human capital and the inherent difficulties in measuring discrimination using observational data make determining the cause of racial differences in labor market outcomes a difficult endeavor. In this research, I examine employment opportunities for white and black graduates of elite top-ranked universities versus high-ranked but less selective institutions. Using an audit design, I create matched candidate pairs and apply for 1,008 jobs on a national job search website. I also exploit existing birth record data in selecting names to control for differences across social class within racialized names. The results show that although a credential from an elite university results in more employer responses for all candidates, black candidates from elite universities only do as well as white candidates from less selective universities. Moreover, race results in a double penalty: when employers respond to black candidates it is for jobs with lower starting salaries and lower prestige than those of white peers. These racial differences suggest that a bachelor’s degree, even one from an elite institution, cannot fully counteract the importance of race in the labor market. Thus, both discrimination and differences in human capital contribute to racial economic inequality.


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