scholarly journals The Anomalous Ixil-Bypassed by the Postclassic?

1976 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin N. Colby

The Ixil differ from other Mesoamerican societies in their extensive ancestor worship and their absence of a belief in animal companion spirits. The historical and archaeological evidence shows Ixil continuity with the lowland Classic Maya with comparatively little change during the Postclassic. The conclusion is tentatively drawn that the lowland Classic Maya were ancestor worshipers, and that the predominant characteristic of those Postclassic changes outside IxU country which led to the demise of Classic ceremonial centers in some areas and the later fragmentation of political units in others, derived from a basic religious change which was reflected in a change in the use of the 260-day ritual calendar. The new religion opposed ancestor worship and introduced a depersonalized soul belief system.

1971 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Haviland

AbstractAt the lowland Maya site of Altar de Sacrificios, two burials have been interpreted in such a way as to suggest: (1) that matrilineal principles of social organization may have been operative in some segments of Classic Maya society; and (2) that Maya political units may have been tied together by marriage alliances. These two hypotheses are examined here in the light of anthropological kinship theory. It is concluded that such marriage alliances are in the realm of possibility, but that matrilineality is unlikely.


Author(s):  
Daniel Ruten

The Christianization of Anglo-­Saxon England in the seventh century CE was a momentous period of religious change which had many far­‐reaching effects. Anglo-­Saxon paganism had attached a set of sacred and symbolic meanings to various natural features in the English landscape. In this belief system, trees and groves were strongly associated with healing and defensive powers. This paper will argue that due to the persistent presence of once-­sacred trees and groves in the English landscape, combined with a continually widespread demand for health remedies, the pre-Christian associations of trees with healing and defense in England were not easily forgotten after the conversion period and in fact continued throughout the eleventh century. However, these pre-­Christian symbolic associations were effectively subsumed within the hegemony of a Christian ideological framework. A continual, bidirectional alignment of these symbolic associations of trees with elements of Christian symbolism, namely that of Paradise and that of the Cross, served to explain and legitimize their syncretic continuation within this Christian framework. These insights invite us to appreciate some of the complexity of the syncretism that occurred during the period of Christian conversion in Anglo-­‐Saxon England. They also invite us to further contemplate some of the lasting effects of this gradual syncretic process.


Author(s):  
Alexandre Tokovinine

This chapter addresses a set of references to tallies in Classic Maya inscriptions and imagery, which have been traditionally interpreted as weapons and writing implements. The available contexts, however, indicate that “sticks” were somehow involved in accounting practices. Although there is no archaeological evidence of these presumably perishable wooden items, the author highlights visual and material data that support the use of tallies by the Maya.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-77
Author(s):  
Keith Jordan

Over the past three decades, arguments for derivation of the chacmool form from Classic Maya iconography of captives destined for sacrifice have dominated our understanding of this sculptural type at Early Postclassic Tula and Chichén Itzá. However, there are significant differences between the chacmools at the two sites in iconography and context, suggesting variations in meaning despite the similarities. I argue that at least at Tula, chacmools are linked to a pan-Mesoamerican iconography of elite ancestors as reclining figures, identified by Javier Urcid. The only complete example of a chacmool found at Tula in its original context was placed in Sala 2 of the Palacio Quemado, a structure decorated with friezes of reclining royal ancestors facing central reliefs of cuauhxicalli (sacrificial vessels). The association of these reliefs with a three-dimensional sculpture in a similar recumbent pose serving as a receptacle for sacrificial offerings suggests a closely related meaning for both. The Sala 2 chacmool's royal diadem and knife support its identification as a ruler rather than a captive. The closest Classic Maya parallels here are not captives but the relief of Pakal's resurrection on his sarcophagus lid. Archaeological evidence points to an association at Tula among royalty, Tlaloc, and chacmools that persisted into the Late Postclassic among their Mexica successors. By contrast, the Chichén Itzá chacmools occur in a broader range of contexts and greatly vary in style and costume, perhaps reflecting local adoption and transformation of a central Mexican form, consistent with earlier Maya traditions. RESUMEN En las últimas tres décadas, las tesis a favor de la idea de que la forma chacmool proviene de la iconografía de los cautivos destinados al sacrificio que es típica del clasicismo maya han dominado nuestra manera de aproximarnos a esta clase de esculturas en el Tula y el Chichén Itzá de la época posclásica temprana. Sin embargo, en lo que respecta a su iconografía y su contexto, existen diferencias significativas entre los chacmools que se encuentran en los dos sitios, lo que hace pensar que, a pesar de las similitudes, hay diferencias de significado. Yo sostengo que, al menos en Tula, los chacmools presentan claras influencias de una iconografía pan-mesoamericana, en la que a los antepasados de alto nivel social se los representa tumbados, boca arriba y semi-incorporados, y cuya singularidad fue reconocida por primera vez por Javier Urcid. En Tula, el único ejemplo de un chacmool íntegro que aún se encuentra en su contexto original está en la Sala 2 del Palacio Quemado, un espacio decorado con frisos en que figuran antepasados reales en posición semi-incorporada, los cuales se hallan orientados hacia relieves de cuauhxicalli (o receptáculo en que se depositaban corazones durante ritos sacrificiales) que están ubicados en el centro del recinto. La asociación de estos relieves con una escultura tridimensional en una similar postura recostada, que además sirve de receptáculo para las ofrendas de sacrificio, hace pensar que entre los dos hay un significado parecido. La diadema real y el cuchillo del chacmool de la Sala 2 respaldan la tesis de que se trata no de un cautivo, sino de un dirigente. En este lugar, los ejemplares cuya forma estética se remonta a la época maya clásica no son cautivos, salvo en el caso del relieve de la resurrección de Pakal que figura en la tapa de su sarcófago. Las pruebas arqueológicas apuntan a una asociación en Tula entre la realeza, Tlaloc, y los chacmools, que se mantuvo incluso en la época posclásica tardía entre los mexicas de épocas posteriores. Por el contrario, los chacmools de Chichén Itzá se sitúan en contextos muy diversos y exhiben una gran variedad interna en lo que respecta a su estilo y vestimenta, lo que tal vez sea evidencia de una adopción y transformación locales de una forma propia del centro de México—una práctica común según las tradiciones mayas anteriores. RESUMO Nas últimas três décadas, argumentos a favor de derivar a forma chacmool da iconografia Maia clássica de cativos destinados para sacrifício domina nossa compreensão desse tipo de escultura em Tula do início do período pós-classico e em Chichén Itzá. No entanto, há diferenças significativas entre os chacmools dos dois locais em termos de iconografia e contexto, o que sugere variações de significados apesar de suas similaridades. Argumento que, pelo menos em Tula, os chacmools estão ligados à iconografia pan-mesoamericana de ancestrais de elite como figuras reclinadas, identificadas por Javier Urcid. O único exemplo completo de um chacmool encontrado em Tula em seu contexto original foi colocado na Sala 2 do Palacio Quemado, uma estrutura decorada com frisos de ancestrais reais reclinados, em frente a relevos centrais de cuauhxicalli. A associação desses relevos com uma escultura tridimensional em pose similarmente recumbente que serve como receptáculo para ofertas de sacrifício, sugere um significado intimamente relacionado para ambos. O diadema e a faca reais do chacmool da Sala 2 suportam sua identificação como um regente e não um cativo. Os paralelos maias clássicos mais próximos aqui não são cativos, mas o relevo da ressurreição de Pakal na tampa de seu sarcófago. Evidência arqueológica aponta para uma associação em Tula entre a realeza, Tlaloc e chacmools, que persistiu no pós-clássico tardio entre seus sucessores Mexica. Por outro lado, os chacmools de Chichén Itzá ocorrem em uma ampla gama de contextos e variam muito em estilo e figurino, talvez refletindo a adoção e transformação locais, consistente com as tradições maias anteriores, de uma forma mexicana central.


1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur A. Demarest ◽  
Matt O'Mansky ◽  
Claudia Wolley ◽  
Dirk Van Tuerenhout ◽  
Takeshi Inomata ◽  
...  

AbstractFrom 1989 to 1996, excavation and surveys were carried out at dozens of sites and intersite areas in the southwestern Peten by the Defensive Systems Subproject of the Vanderbilt Petexbatun Regional Archaeological Project and by subsequent related Vanderbilt investigations. The excavations and analyses explored fortification systems, related settlement, and artifactual evidence. Beginning at about a.d. 760, the major centers of the Classic Maya civilization in the Petexbatun region were fortified by a massive expenditure of labor on defensive walls of masonry, usually surmounted by wooden palisades. As warfare accelerated, major centers and later even small hilltop villages were located in highly defensible positions and were fortified by walls, palisades, moats, and baffled gateways. Despite these efforts, all major centers were virtually abandoned by the early ninth century. By a.d. 830, only the island fortress of Punta de Chimino and a very reduced and scattered population remained in the Petexbatun region.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 1049-1054 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Wahl ◽  
Lysanna Anderson ◽  
Francisco Estrada-Belli ◽  
Alexandre Tokovinine

2000 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 213-229
Author(s):  
Frederick A Hale

AbstractThis is a discussion of Aniebo's differentiated portrayal in The journey within of urbanised characters in the southern Nigerian city of Port Harcourt who have come under the influence of Christianity but have reacted in varying ways to the promise and challenge of this new religion. A close reading of Aniebo's work warns against simplistic explanations of Igbo religious change and simplistic generalisations about the spiritual state of city-dzuelling Igbos in a rapidly urbanising society where to a great extent by the 1940s traditional beliefs and practices had lost their grasp on young adults but by no means completely disappeared from their minds. The novel demonstrates the predicament of Igbos caught in a Westernising world, coping with divided spiritual loyalties, ethical dilemmas made more perplexing by the conflicting demands of modernising society whose values often diverged from those of male-dominated Igbo villages, and participation in an economy which on the surface appears to offer opportunity but keeps them in a state of squalor.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christophe Helmke ◽  
Stanley P. Guenter ◽  
Phillip J. Wanyerka

ABSTRACTThe importance of emblem glyphs to Maya studies has long been recognized. Among these are emblems that have yet to be conclusively matched to archaeological sites. The Water Scroll emblem glyph is one such example, although it appears numerous times in the Classic Maya written corpus between the sixth and the eighth centuries. These many references are found at a variety of sites across the lowlands, attesting to the importance of this ancient kingdom and the kings who carried this title. In the present paper, we review the epigraphic and archaeological evidence and propose that this may be the royal title of the kings who reigned from Altun Ha, in the east central Maya lowlands, in what is now Belize. In so doing, we also begin to reconstruct the dynastic history of the Water Scroll kings, from the vantage of both local and foreign sources.


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