Thomas More's Use of the Dialogue Form as a Weapon of Religious Controversy

1960 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 193-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer Pineas

On 7 March 1528, Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London, sent a letter to Thomas More asking him to write against heresy. Tunstall pointed out that heretical literature of both German and English authorship was coming into England in such quantities that, unless good and learned men could be found to confute these heretical books in English, the Catholic faith in England would be in grave danger. He was entrusting More with this task, the bishop concluded, because More was a master of eloquence in English as well as in Latin.When More decided to carry out Tunstall's commission in dialogue form, he was not satisfying the predilections for the dramatic he had already evinced in his Richard the Thirde and Utopia but was availing himself of a weapon proven potent in the art of religious and secular controversy.

2004 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 190-200
Author(s):  
James Davis

The illicit influx of William Tyndale’s vernacular New Testament and other reforming works into England in the late 1520s was considered an affront to the ecclesiastical authorities and an encouragement to lay heretical thought. No one was more vitriolic in condemnation than Thomas More, the lawyer-turned-polemicist, who was to become Chancellor from 1529. He declared, ‘Nothynge more detesteth then these pestylent bokes that Tyndale and suche other sende in to the realme, to sette forth here theyr abomynable heresyes.’ As Chancellor, More was renowned for his zealous persecution of heretics and booksellers, which he justified as a moral and legal imperative in order to uphold the Catholic faith. He also wrote several works, initially at the request and licence of Bishop Tunstall in March 1528, and thereafter in reply to the treatises of Tyndale and other Antwerp exiles. These writings provide tantalizing insights into the activities of Tyndale and the Christian Brethren as seen through the eyes of their chief protagonist. It was not only the New Testament, emanating from Cologne and Worms, that worried More, but Tyndale’s polemical works from the printing press of Johannes Hoochstraten in Antwerp, especiallyThe Parable of the Wicked Mammon, The Obedience of a Christen Man, andThe Practice of Prelates. Fellow exiles, such as George Joye, John Frith, and Simon Fish, were also writing popular and doctrinal works, includingA Disputation of Purgatorye, The Revelation of Antichrist, David’s Psalter, andA Supplication for the Beggars. Thomas More regarded William Tyndale, the Antwerp exiles, and their ‘Brethren’ in England as the most active producers and distributors of vernacular heretical books. However, his perceptions of the Brethren, their sympathizers, and their organization have been under-utilized by historians, who often rely more on the post-contemporary reflections of John Foxe. There perhaps remains the suspicion that More was conveniently coalescing all sedition under a single banner as a rhetorical device, or due to prejudice and unfounded conspiracy theories. Indeed,The Confutation of Tyndale’s Answeroutlined a smuggling network as an attempt to demoralize Tyndale’s supporters, by describing how various individuals had renounced their doctrines and betrayed their fellows. These were his tools of polemics, but More’s testimonies should not be dismissed as the mere delusions of a staunch anti-heretical zealot. He had studied the reforming works and interrogated significant figures in the Brethren. His conspiracy theories, it can be argued, were based on fact.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-356
Author(s):  
Jane Flynn

This essay provides the first edition and discussion of the ballad When all that is to Was ys brought, copied sometime between 1561 and 1585 into a draft account book relating to the will of Dr William Bill, dean of Westminster (Durham Cathedral Add. MS 243, fol. 93r-v). Its last line, ‘Amen Quoth Iohn heywood’, indicates that its author was the court entertainer John Heywood (b. 1496/7–d. in or after 1578) and internal evidence suggests that it was written shortly before he went into exile on account of his Catholic faith in 1564. The ballad includes references to Heywood’s family and allusions to several works of Thomas More, especially A Dialogue of Comfort, suggesting that it is Heywood’s personal reflection on his spiritual life under four English monarchs. Its subject matter makes it likely that it is also the poem described as ‘a rythme declaringe his own life and nature’, which Heywood sent to William Cecil, Lord Burghley, and Queen Elizabeth via John Wilson in 1574 to support his petition to be allowed to remain in the Spanish Netherlands.


Moreana ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 36 (Number 139- (3-4) ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Albert J. Geritz

Although how, when, and where More and Rastell met, their initial reactions to each other, the growth and strength of their friendship, what ideas they exchanged, how well their families got on, and other questions remain matters for speculation, this essay explores what can be known with relative certainty about their relationship. Financial arrangements, shared interests and training in law, participation in government, familial ties and children of similar ages, and involvement in religious controversy provide major junctures from which their relationship can be traced. Other crucial connections between these important men include Rastell’s move from Coventry to London, his establishment of a printing house that published some of More’s works, his attraction to the More Circle and its humanist ideas, his intended voyage to the New World (perhaps inspired, in part, by More’s fictional journey in Utopia), his authorship of interludes and other works, and his conversion to Protestantism.


1964 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer Pineas

The only references by Reformers to More's Utopia listed in R. W. Gibson's St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bibliography (New Haven, 1961) are two by Tyndale and two by Foxe. Actually Tyndale makes five direct references to Utopia and a large number of indirect references. At least two other Reformers besides the two listed who refer to Utopia are John Frith and William Roy. Each of the direct and indirect references to the Utopia made by Reformers is polemical. The usual point made is that since More has once passed off fiction as truth, he is quite capable of continuing to do so—especially in religious controversy.Tyndale uses More's authorship of the Utopia to attack both More himself and the Catholic Church in general. For instance, he very conveniently dismisses an entire chapter of More's Dialogue by saying that it ‘is as true as his story of Utopia & all his other Poetrie….’ Here the reference serves as shorthand; it saves Tyndale from the necessity of entering into extended argument.


2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred W. Pollard ◽  
W. W. Greg ◽  
E. Maunde Thompson ◽  
J. Dover Wilson
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Regnier

A promising but neglected precedent for Thomas More’s Utopia is to be found in Ibn Ṭufayl’s Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān. This twelfth-century Andalusian philosophical novel describing the self-education and enlightenment of a feral child on an island, while certainly a precedent for the European Bildungsroman, also arguably qualifies as a utopian text. It is possible that More had access to Pico de la Mirandola’s Latin translation of Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān. This study consists of a review of historical and philological evidence that More may have read Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān and a comparative reading of More’s and Ṭufayl’s two famous works. I argue that there are good reasons to see in Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān a source for More’s Utopia and that in certain respects we can read More’s Utopia as a response to Ṭufayl’s novel. L’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān d’Ibn Ṭufayl consiste en un précédent incontournable mais négligé à l’Utopie de More. Ce récit philosophique andalou du douzième siècle décrivant l’auto-formation et l’éveil d’un enfant sauvage sur une île peut être considéré comme un texte utopique, bien qu’il soit certainement un précédent pour le Bildungsroman européen. Thomas More pourrait avoir lu l’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān, puisqu’il a pu avoir accès à la traduction latine qu’en a fait Pic de la Miradolle. Cette étude examine les données historiques et philologiques permettant de poser que More a probablement lu cet ouvrage, et propose une lecture comparée de l’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān et de l’Utopie de More. On y avance qu’il y a non seulement de bonnes raisons de considérer l’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān d’Ibn Ṭufayl comme une source de l’Utopie de More, mais qu’il est aussi possible à certains égards de lire l’Utopie comme une réponse à l’Ibn Ḥayy Yaqẓān.


Moreana ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 6 (Number 22) (2) ◽  
pp. 118-120
Author(s):  
Pierre Mesnard
Keyword(s):  

Moreana ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 5 (Number 19-20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 21-23
Author(s):  
Jean Claudius
Keyword(s):  

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