The Role of National Party Leaders in the Selection of Parliamentary Candidates: The Belgian Case

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Obler
1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Obler

Leaders and activists in most Western political parties, appreciating Schattschneider's adage1 that parties are controlled by those who control nominations to public offices, jealously guard their right to choose parliamentary candidates. They realize that candidates play a crucial role in shaping voters’ images of the parties as well as in formulating the party policies. Not surprisingly, candidates are usually recruited through rather oligarchical procedures. Extra-parliamentary party leaders normally pick the nominees in closed private meetings and then submit their choices to rank-and-file party members and/or delegates who nearly always grant their approval. Such procedures reduce the role of party members to one of docile acquiescence, and completely exclude party voters.


2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fortunato Musella

IntroduzioneParty leaders have become more powerful and autonomous actors in recent years by developing a direct and personal relationship with citizens. As anticipated in the United States (Lowi, 1985), the rise of the ‘personal leader’ seems to have occurred in many European democracies, both in old parties and in more recently formed parties, with a widespread tendency for them to be promoted and controlled by individual leaders. Nevertheless, party leadership remains quite a neglected theme in political science. Through a data set including ~500 party presidents in 13 democracies, this article focusses on the personalization of party leadership by comparing Italy with other Western countries. More particularly, new procedures for the selection of party chairs, the centralization of power in political parties, and the new role of party leaders in the legislative/governmental arena are analysed, given their importance to such a process. The article summarizes new data on the party leaders’ characteristics, with regards to their political backgrounds, how they are elected, how long they stay in office, and whether they become prime minister or enter the executive. In this way, we are able to see how some new parties are created from the outset as highly personalized and centralized parties (Forza Italia being the paradigmatic case), whereas other older parties have also evolved in a personalized direction.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 403
Author(s):  
H. G. Thorburn ◽  
John C. Courtney

1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 525-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. O. Key

The textbooks contain singularly little systematic analysis of the role of party in local government. They abstract the relevant statutes. They expound more or less orthodox suppositions. Voting on local candidates corresponds closely with presidential voting. Party groups compete for control of local government more or less as they do on the national level. Or, the contrary notion is argued that party has little place in local politics. Personal followings or essentially non-party courthouse cliques determine all. This paper represents a modest attempt, by analysis of Ohio data, to test a few of the standard suppositions and to suggest lines of inquiry that might be fruitful in the study of local politics.Relation of voting for county and presidential candidates. Contrary to the belief that the presidential tide almost invariably carries with it the local candidates of the winning party, the Ohio record indicates a fairly high degree of independence of national party trends in the selection of county officers. Although in most instances a Republican county presidentially chooses Republican county officers and a Democratic county, Democratic county officers, the departures from this consistency are of sufficient magnitude to excite attention.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aja Taitano ◽  
Bradley Smith ◽  
Cade Hulbert ◽  
Kristin Batten ◽  
Lalania Woodstrom ◽  
...  

2016 ◽  
Vol 04 (01) ◽  
pp. 4-10

AbstractImmunosuppression permits graft survival after transplantation and consequently a longer and better life. On the other hand, it increases the risk of infection, for instance with cytomegalovirus (CMV). However, the various available immunosuppressive therapies differ in this regard. One of the first clinical trials using de novo everolimus after kidney transplantation [1] already revealed a considerably lower incidence of CMV infection in the everolimus arms than in the mycophenolate mofetil (MMF) arm. This result was repeatedly confirmed in later studies [2–4]. Everolimus is now considered a substance with antiviral properties. This article is based on the expert meeting “Posttransplant CMV infection and the role of immunosuppression”. The expert panel called for a paradigm shift: In a CMV prevention strategy the targeted selection of the immunosuppressive therapy is also a key element. For patients with elevated risk of CMV, mTOR inhibitor-based immunosuppression is advantageous as it is associated with a significantly lower incidence of CMV events.


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