Partisanship and County Office: The Case of Ohio

1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 525-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. O. Key

The textbooks contain singularly little systematic analysis of the role of party in local government. They abstract the relevant statutes. They expound more or less orthodox suppositions. Voting on local candidates corresponds closely with presidential voting. Party groups compete for control of local government more or less as they do on the national level. Or, the contrary notion is argued that party has little place in local politics. Personal followings or essentially non-party courthouse cliques determine all. This paper represents a modest attempt, by analysis of Ohio data, to test a few of the standard suppositions and to suggest lines of inquiry that might be fruitful in the study of local politics.Relation of voting for county and presidential candidates. Contrary to the belief that the presidential tide almost invariably carries with it the local candidates of the winning party, the Ohio record indicates a fairly high degree of independence of national party trends in the selection of county officers. Although in most instances a Republican county presidentially chooses Republican county officers and a Democratic county, Democratic county officers, the departures from this consistency are of sufficient magnitude to excite attention.

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-149
Author(s):  
Aurelia Teodora Drăghici

SummaryTheme conflicts of interest is one of the major reasons for concern local government, regional and central administrative and criminal legal implications aiming to uphold the integrity and decisions objectively. Also, most obviously, conflicts of interest occur at the national level where political stakes are usually highest, one of the determining factors of this segment being the changing role of the state itself, which creates opportunities for individual gain through its transformations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Maags ◽  
Heike Holbig

Abstract:Since “intangible cultural heritage” (ICH) became the new focal point in the global heritage discourse, governments and scholars in many countries have begun to promote this new form of “immaterial” culture. The People’s Republic of China has been one of the most active state parties implementing the new scheme and adapting it to domestic discourses and practices. Policies formulated at the national level have become increasingly malleable to the interests of local government-scholar networks. By conducting a comparative case study of two provinces, this article aims to identify the role of local elite networks in the domestic implementation of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, focusing on the incentives of scholars and officials to participate in ICH policy networks. It finds that the implementation of the Convention has not removed the power asymmetry between elite and popular actors but, instead, has fostered an elite-driven policy approach shaped by symbiotic, mutually legitimizing government–scholar networks.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
M. N. Mochalova ◽  
S. V. Novokshanovа ◽  
V. A. Mudrov

Currently, there are many points of view on management of physiological labor, in particular, it concerns the intrapartum position of a woman. Tactics of modern obstetrics should ensure the safety of motherhood, which in future ensures the prosperity of the state. One of the alternative methods of delivery is the vertical position of a woman in the intrapartum period. It is impossible to describe the whole range of possible positions of a woman in the intrapartum period, the common ones being: lying position (lateral, reclining, lithotomy, Trendelenburg’s, etc.) or upright position (sitting, using a chair for childbirth, standing, squatting, standing on the knees, etc.). Opinions about how the vertical position of a mother in the intrapartum period affects the outcome of childbirth are quite ambiguous. The conclusions of various authors on that matter often contradict each other.The aim of the research was to study the role of vertical delivery in reducing the frequency of obstetric and perinatal complications.Materials: publications of foreign and domestic authors within the period from 1989 to 2017.Methods: systematic analysis and synthesis of literature data.Conclusion: Despite a significant number of studies, it is not possible to determine the universality of the vertical position in childbirth, therefore, the selection of patients for the management of vertical childbirth should be approached carefully. In the presence of pregnancy complications, preference should be given to the classic version of the position in childbirth. In women who have a low risk of perinatal complications, an upright position can be a worthy alternative. To prevent the development of bleeding in the III stage of labor and the early postpartum period, a woman should take a horizontal position after the birth of the fetus. This condition must also be observed when examining the birth canal. Thus, the rational tactics of conducting childbirth is to determine the optimal combination of vertical and horizontal positions at different periods of the childbirth process, taking into account the convenience for the woman in labor. 


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRODIE WADDELL

ABSTRACTUsing records from 113 manors in Yorkshire and elsewhere, this article surveys the changing role of manor courts in English local government over three centuries. These institutions allowed juries of established tenants to deal cheaply and easily with a variety of chronic concerns, including crime, migration, retailing, common lands, and infrastructure. Their focus varied significantly according to region, topography, settlement size, and time period, but active courts existed in most parts of the country throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Ultimately, they had many valuable functions which historians have barely begun to explore. This article thus offers the most systematic analysis to date of the role of these institutions in making and enforcing by-laws in this period, showing that many of the courts evolved to suit the changing priorities of local tenants rather than falling rapidly into ruin as has sometimes been assumed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arneil Gabriel ◽  
Raymund Sarmiento ◽  
Maridel Viernez

Abstract This study described the status of registered cooperatives in Nueva Ecija using descriptive–correlational research and a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. This study found out that majority of the respondent cooperatives are operating for more than 25 years; with more than Million authorized capital; have annual net surplus of P1.2 Million or more; are multi–purpose; and with more than 100 members. The Local Government Units(LGU) are active in teaching the members of the cooperatives to abide rules and guidelines and in supporting the role of cooperatives in the province. However, they should provide aid to cooperatives to efficiently deal with their problems. Additionally, the LGU is informing the cooperatives about their rights and responsibilities. They are not suppressing cooperative members’ opinions and they accept queries coming from the cooperative members. Decision–making responsibilities regarding cooperative matters with the aid of the government were shared by the officers of Cooperatives and LGU. The LGU trust the cooperatives by giving full degree of power of all the benefits that are provided to them by the government. Likewise, cooperatives have no systematic source of authority and influence over the LGU. Despite of the difference in responses of the respondents in non–participation and citizens power, they are similar in tokenism as level of participation. Cooperatives that are new in existence, with low capitalization and with less number of members needed high degree of participation with their members and high degree of partnership and support with the Local Government Units (LGUs). The respondents recognized the help of the LGU in their promotion and in providing trainings but intensified aid and empowerment of the cooperatives are requested by the members and officers to the LGUs. Lastly, the respondent- cooperatives requested that establishment of cooperative office, strengthened tie-up with the LGU, information dissemination on cooperativism, increase aid and funding and partnership with other entities are means to heightened cooperatives participation in development.


Author(s):  
Emma Hill ◽  
Nasar Meer

There is a gap between the ‘aspirational pluralism’ espoused by political elites, and Scotland’s record on the representation of ethnic minorities in politics. In this chapter we explore the status of a Scottish multicultural citizenship broadly conceived, and identify three clusters. The first centres on an aspirational pluralism, characterized by an ambition to avoid ethnically determined barriers on membership of Scottish nationhood. The second concerns the competing ways in which Scotland’s imperial role is used by different political actors. The third cluster points to potential limitations in minority claims-making and recognition, and questions the extent to which national-level, elite ‘pluralist’ discourse is translated into a successful model of political participation. Ethnic minority populations are disproportionately under-represented in local government across Scotland as a result of three features of local government recruitment and selection processes that adversely impact the participation of ethnic minorities in local politics. We discuss their implications for representation at the local and national levels. We conclude with a discussion of how the gap between elite ‘aspirational pluralism’ and the reality of ethnic minority under-representation in Scottish politics might be addressed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-54
Author(s):  
Isaac Khambule ◽  
Cecile Gerwel-Proches

The world is experiencing a growing recognition of the role of social dialogue in the pursuit of inclusive sustainable economic development. However, the sidelining of non-governmental actors in South Africa’s local government-led development landscape has hampered this agenda. This alienating culture led to the establishment of local economic development agencies (LEDAs) as structures tasked with fostering a participatory approach to local economic development (LED) for an effective response to developmental challenges. This article explored the role of social dialogue in LED through a case study of one LEDA in South Africa. A qualitative approach was deployed by conducting semi-structured interviews with key gatekeepers in the LED space. The findings reveal that whereas social dialogue is embraced at the national level, there is minimal understanding and usage of social dialogue at the local government level. Nevertheless, social dialogue strategies (information sharing, consultation, negotiation, joint decision-making and problem-solving) are used by the LEDA and its various stakeholders. The article argues that there is a need to align the national social dialogue with the local social dialogue through LEDAs to strengthen institutional arrangements for LED.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 205316801881350
Author(s):  
Cory L. Struthers ◽  
Yuhui Li ◽  
Matthew S. Shugart

For decades, datasets on national-level elections have contributed to knowledge on what shapes national party systems. More recently, datasets on elections at the district level have advanced research on subnational party competition. Yet, to our knowledge, no publicly accessible dataset with observations of the party system at both national and district levels exists, limiting the ease with which cross-level comparisons can be made. To fill this gap, we release two corresponding datasets, the National Level Party Systems dataset and the District Level Party Systems dataset, where the unit of analysis is the party system within either the national or district jurisdiction. More than 50 elections in the two datasets are overlapping, meaning they include observations for a single election at both the district and national levels. In addition to conventional measures such as the effective number of parties, we also include underutilized variables, such as the size of the largest party, list type, and the vote shares for presidential candidates in corresponding elections.


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