The Latin American Policy of the United States. By Samuel Flagg Bemis. (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1943. Pp. xxiii, 470. $3.75.)

1944 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-118
Author(s):  
Michael B. McCloskey
1967 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 370-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lejeune Cummins

Some years ago during one of the periodic crises which characterize Inter-American relations, a New York Times analyst concluded that it was almost impossible to obtain unanimity in this country on Latin American policy. With some reluctance the writer added that it was also impossible to make any policy of the United States liked “ down there.” Certainly the “ Platt ” Amendment of 1901 was one of the most controversial hemispheric policies ever formulated by the United States. Later embodied in the so-called Permanent Treaty with Cuba (1903–1934), it has evoked a wide range of praise and vilification. Yet even a cursory analysis of the extensive literature relating to this significant measure reveals serious misunderstanding concerning it.


2019 ◽  
pp. 86-102
Author(s):  
Susana Sueiro Seoane

This chapter analyzes Cultura Obrera (Labor Culture), published in New York City from 1911 to 1927. Pedro Esteve, the primary editor, gave expression to his ideas in this newspaper and while it represented Spanish firemen and marine workers, it reported on many other workers’ struggles in different parts of the world, for example, supporting and collecting funds for the Mexican revolutionary brothers Flores Magón. This newspaper, as all the anarchist press, was part of a transnational network and had a circulation not only in many parts of the United States but also in Latin American countries, including Argentina and Cuba, as well as on the other side of the Atlantic, in Spain and various European countries.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Browitt

The novel Lucas Guevara, written by the Colombian exile, Alirio Díaz Guerra, was first published in New York in 1914. It is considered to be the earliest novel about Latin American immigration to the United States written in Spanish. This fact alone merits its study. A second edition was published in 2001 along with a critical-biographical introduction, which presents the novel as the precursor of a developing genre of Hispanic immigrant literature centred on the naïve Latin American migrant who arrives in the United States inspired by the opportunities which the metropolis supposedly affords, but who nevertheless suffers a series of misfortunes because of the inability to adapt to the new culture. On the level of overt content, the novel is a lachrymose, stereotypical and conventional denunciation of the supposed evils of an amoral US society and the libertine and materialistic values underpinning it. But on a much deeper level, a picture emerges of Díaz Guerra himself as a displaced, disenchanted intellectual exile who suffers (or has suffered) an acute cultural and class anxiety in the transition from a patrician Arcadia to the heart of capitalist, industrial modernity. Through a reading of the narrative voice, and by extension the implied author, we witness his difficult coming to terms with a highly-charged New York society (in comparison to his homeland), not only because of the sexual liberation brought on by secular modernization, but also because of the close proximity of volatile, eroticised bodies on the over-crowded Lower East Side of New York, the scene of the novel and Díaz Guerra’s point of entry into the United States. The novel also provides an occasion to contrast how Díaz Guerra deals with the condition of exile, in contrast to that most emblematic of Latin American political refugees, José Martí.


1990 ◽  
Vol 64 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Catherine A. Sunshine

[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.


1963 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 574-586 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Freeman Smith

The International Bankers Committee on Mexico has been generally ignored by American diplomatic historians, and those who have mentioned it have missed the basic significance of its organization and operation. The writer of the leading text dealing with the Latin American policy of the United States devotes less than a paragraph to the Committee and says, “The United States did not even demand arbitration. It left the bondholders to their own representations to the Mexican Government.” This statement can be compared to a description of an iceberg which deals only with that part showing above the surface of the water. The heart of this presentation will be the analysis of that part of the Committee's activities which lay beneath the surface—a study in the interaction of government, business, and revolution. The basic thesis involved is that the Committee was an unofficial instrument of the United States government, as it attempted to influence certain aspects of the Mexican Revolution.


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