Thinking Like a State: Policing Dangerous Thought in Imperial Japan, 1900–1945

This article explores the changing ways the Japanese police understood and policed radical politics between 1900 and 1945. Specifically, it traces the process in which the objective of policing transformed from an emphasis on political organizations, their activities, publications, and assemblies in the 1900s to the policing of individuals ostensibly harboring “dangerous ideas” that were deemed threatening to state and capital—what the police came to categorize as “thought crime” by the late 1920s. Once “thought” was identified as an object for policing, Japanese police agencies began to practice a kind of intellectual history—thinking like a state—to distinguish dangerous thought and to understand its origin and its spread during the socioeconomic turbulence of the interwar period. Drawing on Jacques Rancière’s theory of police, this article explores how police manuals and other publications categorized certain ideas, texts, enunciations, and slogans and distributed them based on the presumed degree of danger they posed to the imperial polity. It reveals how the expanded classifications and distributions of dangerous thought transformed policing in the 1920s, thereby extending imperial state power into various aspects of social life in interwar Japan.

Urban Development and the Making of Frontiers in/from Addis Ababa/Finfinne, Ethiopia

Frontier making in Ethiopia has historical roots from the formation of the modern Ethiopian state in the late-19th century through wars of conquest. The conquest, which was inspired by political and economic motivations of the highland Christian kingdom, used the notion of a “civilizing mission”—civilizing the “backward” and “underdeveloped” people, and “underutilized” spaces—through imposition of an imperial state system and Orthodox Christianity. The foundation and horizontal expansion of Addis Ababa or Finfinne by displacing Indigenous inhabitants was part of the state building project under successive regimes. Over the last century and a half, the city has continued its unchecked expansion in a process involving multilayered actors whose interests overlapped in terms of grabbing the land they considered “underutilized.” More specifically, the last three decades evince commoditization of farmlands, grazing areas, and cultural and sacred spaces through land lease, which eventually dissolve existing customary systems, values, and practices. This paper critically analyzes the dynamics of frontier making in or from Addis Ababa or Finfinne, the political economy behind such unchecked frontier expansion and how it activated the power of resistance in 2014. The paper concludes that frontier making in or from Addis Ababa through dispossession of Oromo farmers has been part of the broader political establishment in Ethiopia and should be viewed within the same lens.

The Roving Other: Shepherds, Ungovernable Spaces, and Imperial Authority in First-Millennium Mesopotamia

Much of the literature on pastoralists and empire concerns mobile tribes and often focuses on imperial schemes of resettlement, or tribal thwarting of state initiatives. This submission argues that in mid-first-millennium BCE Babylonia, large bureaucratic temples stood between the imperial state and Babylonia’s mobile class of shepherds. This article then explores this dynamic further, focusing on the use of administrative information as a point of imperial contestation, examining issues of local control and clashing hierarchies as the shepherds served an imperial obligation in the Mesopotamian hinterland, and finally argues that the pastoral dynamic presented here is of a piece with the larger political role of the temple in Babylonian life—both urban, familiar, and central and at the same time distant, other-like, and enigmatic.

Fir and Empire: The Transformation of Forests in Early Modern China, Reviewed by Peter C. Perdue

Ian M. Miller's important book follows the impact of the Chinese state and economy on the forests of southern China, from the eleventh through sixteenth centuries. Besides providing a new narrative of forest history, based on the scouring of official sources, his helpful comparisons to Europe and Japan ask us to rethink how we periodize Chinese history and evaluate the success of the imperial state.

Trust and Distrust

The book offers the first overview of Britain’s history of corruption in office in the pre-modern era, 1600–1850. As such, it is intended to appeal to historians but also to political and social scientists, whose work is extensively cited in an expansive and evaluative bibliography. Another distinctive feature of the book is the interaction of the domestic and imperial stories of corruption in office—a key argument is that these were intertwined and related. Linking corruption in office to the domestic and imperial state has not been attempted before, and the book makes extensive use of material relating to the East India Company as well as other colonial officials in the Atlantic world and elsewhere in Britain’s emerging empire. Both ‘corruption’ and ‘office’ were evolving concepts during the period 1600–1850 and underwent very significant but protracted change which the book charts and seeks to explain. To do so, the book makes innovative use of the concept of trust, which helped to shape office in ways that underlined principles of selflessness, disinterestedness, integrity, and accountability of officials. The reader’s report suggested that ‘no historian of this long period can afford to ignore the book, and it will certainly appeal to a large readership not only among historians of Britain and its empire but among political scientists more generally’. There is a brief concluding section highlighting policy implications.

The South African Pandemic of Racial Capitalism

South Africa's COVID-19 pandemic is one of racial capitalism, entangled with histories of imperial state formation, settler colonialism, and a hierarchical, global-neoliberal public policy architecture.

Violence, Antisemitism, and Self-Defence

The chapter takes Galicia as a case study for how the changing dynamics of the war also transformed allegiances, loyalties, and relations to the imperial state. It focuses particularly on Zionists’ security strategies during the war and its aftermath. With the state increasingly incapable of protecting its citizens, escalating anti-Jewish violence became a pressing problem for the Jewish population, which grew increasingly disillusioned with the imperial authorities. This case study questions the traditional understanding that Habsburg Jews clung to the empire until its very end. As the old state failed the Jews, activists shifted security strategies from their traditional orientation towards the central state, to local agreements with nationalist forces on the ground, to self-organized armed defence, and to appeals to the new nation states. In the minds of Zionists, questions of loyalty and security were intimately connected to the struggle to gain autonomy for the Jewish nation. The chapter shows how Zionists responded to the worsening security situation, highlighting local cases of armed Jewish self-defence, to demonstrate how these measures were essential for establishing Zionists as leaders of their communities. At the heart of the struggle for security was a struggle for agency and self-assertion. Zionists believed that the Jews would only be able to protect themselves and live securely if they constituted and organized themselves as a nation. This dialectical interrelation between security and (national) agency was at the core of Zionist thinking and political practice.

What is “Restrained” by the katechon? The Finitude of the State in Conservative and Socialist Thought

The concept of katechon (“that which withholds”), essential to both the theological tradition and modern political philosophy, originates in Second Thessalonians by Paul the Apostle. This withholding force which resists the coming of the end times has often been identified with the Roman Empire (and later with the Christian imperial state), the latter seen as a protected space that enabled the spread of the Good Tidings. This mission of containment, on the one hand, endowed the state with a sacred character, but on the other, it marked the state's finitude and imperfection. By withholding time, the katechon does not remove but preserves contradictions and heterogeneity, accepting its incompleteness as the burden of its own mission. In its secularized form, the restraining state conceives of society as an antagonistic space of struggle and conflict, and the function of political power is linked to the establishment of a temporal equilibrium with historically contingent and relative forms. In conservative thought, the katechon state guards society from unifying equality and rationalization, and individuals from the illusion of perfection and moral harmony. The understanding of the state as a force that rises above the disparate elements of society and preserves it against its inherent chaos was also at the core of the Marxist concept of the state. This article, based on a wide range of authors (T. Hobbes, K. Marx, K. Schmitt, K. Leontiev, D. Agamben) will consider conservative and leftist interpretations of the state, which accept and develop the idea of katechon and its interpretations not directly connected with the concept of state power.