Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States concerning the Independence of the Latin American Nations. By William R Manning. New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1925. Pp. xxxii, 666. Index. $15.00.

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 394-395
Author(s):  
W. P. Cresson
2019 ◽  
pp. 86-102
Author(s):  
Susana Sueiro Seoane

This chapter analyzes Cultura Obrera (Labor Culture), published in New York City from 1911 to 1927. Pedro Esteve, the primary editor, gave expression to his ideas in this newspaper and while it represented Spanish firemen and marine workers, it reported on many other workers’ struggles in different parts of the world, for example, supporting and collecting funds for the Mexican revolutionary brothers Flores Magón. This newspaper, as all the anarchist press, was part of a transnational network and had a circulation not only in many parts of the United States but also in Latin American countries, including Argentina and Cuba, as well as on the other side of the Atlantic, in Spain and various European countries.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Browitt

The novel Lucas Guevara, written by the Colombian exile, Alirio Díaz Guerra, was first published in New York in 1914. It is considered to be the earliest novel about Latin American immigration to the United States written in Spanish. This fact alone merits its study. A second edition was published in 2001 along with a critical-biographical introduction, which presents the novel as the precursor of a developing genre of Hispanic immigrant literature centred on the naïve Latin American migrant who arrives in the United States inspired by the opportunities which the metropolis supposedly affords, but who nevertheless suffers a series of misfortunes because of the inability to adapt to the new culture. On the level of overt content, the novel is a lachrymose, stereotypical and conventional denunciation of the supposed evils of an amoral US society and the libertine and materialistic values underpinning it. But on a much deeper level, a picture emerges of Díaz Guerra himself as a displaced, disenchanted intellectual exile who suffers (or has suffered) an acute cultural and class anxiety in the transition from a patrician Arcadia to the heart of capitalist, industrial modernity. Through a reading of the narrative voice, and by extension the implied author, we witness his difficult coming to terms with a highly-charged New York society (in comparison to his homeland), not only because of the sexual liberation brought on by secular modernization, but also because of the close proximity of volatile, eroticised bodies on the over-crowded Lower East Side of New York, the scene of the novel and Díaz Guerra’s point of entry into the United States. The novel also provides an occasion to contrast how Díaz Guerra deals with the condition of exile, in contrast to that most emblematic of Latin American political refugees, José Martí.


1990 ◽  
Vol 64 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Catherine A. Sunshine

[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.


1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Meek

Literature on U.S. influence in the Organization of American States reveals a marked diversity of views. Some authors consider that U.S. influence is absolute or very nearly so; others hold that it is relative; still others think it is minimal.In the nearly-absolute school, former Guatemalan President Arévalo (1961: 126) says that the United States “always wins” in the OAS. The Ecuadorian writer Benjamín Cardón (1965: 29) says that the OAS “receives orders and complies with them, with the appearance of discussion, and the appearance of votes that satisfy pro-forma the hypocritical quakerism of the masters.” This view might be summed up by a comment attributed to a Latin American delegate to one Inter-American Conference: “If the United States wanted to badly enough, it could have a resolution passed declaring two and two are five ” (New York Times, March 8, 1954).


PMLA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 131 (3) ◽  
pp. 735-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Brickhouse

Among The Many Significant Contributions of Raúl Coronado's A World Not to Come: A History Of Latino Writing and Print Culture is its vivid account of a lost Latino public sphere, a little-known milieu of hispanophone intellectual culture dating back to the early nineteenth century and formed in the historical interstices of Spanish American colonies, emergent Latin American nations, and the early imperial interests of the United States. In this respect, the book builds on the foundational work of Kirsten Silva Gruesz's Ambassadors of Culture: The Transamerican Origins of Latino Writing, which gave definitive shape to the field of early Latino studies by addressing what were then (and in some ways still are) the “methodological problems of proposing to locate the ‘origins’ of Latino writing in the nineteenth century.” Gruesz unfolded a vast panorama of forgotten Spanish-language print culture throughout the United States, from Philadelphia and New York to New Orleans and California, in which letters, stories, essays, and above all poetry bequeathed what she showed convincingly were “important, even crucial, ways of understanding the world” that had been largely lost to history (x). Coronado's book carries forward this project of recovery, exploring a particular scene of early Latino writing centered in Texas during its last revolutionary decades as one of the Interior Provinces of New Spain, its abrupt transition to an independent republic, and its eventual annexation by the United States. As a “history of textuality” rather than a study of literary culture per se (28), the book tells the story of the first printing presses in Texas but also evinces the importance of manuscript circulation as well as private and sometimes unfinished texts. A World Not to Come concerns both print culture and origins but refuses to fetishize either, attending to the past not to “the degree that it is a measure of the future,” as Rosaura Sánchez once put it, but for the very opposite reason: because it portended a future that was never realized (qtd. in Gruesz, Ambassadors xi).


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 33-56
Author(s):  
Massimo Introvigne

Latin American scholars have discussed interbellum “Theosophical networks” interested in new forms of spirituality as alternatives to Catholicism, positivism and Marxism. In this article I argue that these networks included not only progressive intellectuals and political activists but also artists in Latin America, the United States and Canada, and that their interests in alternative spirituality contributed significantly to certain artistic currents. I discuss three central locations for these networks, in part involving the same artists: revolutionary Mexico in the 1920s; New York in the late 1920s and 1930s; and New Mexico in the late 1930s and 1940s. The Theosophical Society, the Delphic Society, Agni Yoga and various Rosicrucian organizations attracted several leading American artists involved in the networks.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S674-S674
Author(s):  
Andrew S Handel ◽  
Harriet Hellman ◽  
Egar Flores ◽  
Christy Beneri

Abstract Background Approximately 300,00 individuals in the United States are estimated to have Chagas disease. To date, only one seroprevalence study in the US has included children. Diagnosis during childhood prevents irreversible sequelae and is better tolerated than during adulthood. Seropositive children may be difficult to identify, as those infected vertically may have never visited an endemic region. We sought to identify children with Chagas disease through a pilot study of serology and risk factors. Methods Participants were recruited from Stony Brook University Hospital (SBUH) or an ambulatory pediatric office, both in Suffolk County, New York (population: 1,476,000; 20.2% Hispanic or Latino). Study participants were 1 - 25 years old, resided in Suffolk County, and either the child and/or the child’s mother was born in or had long-term residence (≥ 3 years) in Latin America. T. cruzi serum IgG was determined with a Chagatest ELISA (Weiner Lab) or a Chagas Detect Plus Rapid Test (InBios). Positive screens were confirmed with a second serologic test at the CDC. Participants completed a survey of demographics and Chagas disease knowledge and risk factors, in English or Spanish. Descriptive statistics were applied. SBUH IRB provided study approval. Results We enrolled 93 children (Table 1). Three (3.2%) had a positive IgG screen, of which only one had a confirmed infection (1.1%). This was a 17-year-old who had lived in a rural adobe home and moved to the US at 8 years old. No children or their mothers recalled being bitten by or seeing triatomine insects in their Latin American homes. Of 27 children whose mothers had been screened for infection, 13 were born to 3 mothers with confirmed Chagas disease; all 13 children were seronegative. Of 8 participants reporting other family members with Chagas disease, all were seronegative. Demographics of 93 participants screened for Chagas disease SD standard deviation; US: United States Conclusion Without reliable tools for identifying those at greatest risk of Chagas disease, universal screening of children born in high-risk Latin American regions remains a reasonable strategy. In addition, screening mothers born in Latin America is likely a more cost-efficient means to evaluate second-generation children. A tremendous knowledge gap of pediatric Chagas disease in the US remains. Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures


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