THE PRESS AND THE REVOLUTION

1990 ◽  
pp. 169-186
Keyword(s):  
2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-256
Author(s):  
Peter Zarrow

By examining how a particular story of events from October 1911 through to the abdication of the Qing imperial house in February 1912 was constructed, it is possible to suggest the effects of that story both as events unfolded and on subsequent historical consciousness. This article examines the coverage of the revolution in two newspapers, Shenbao, founded in Shanghai in 1872, and Dagongbao, founded in Tianjin in 1902. They were not necessarily representative of the press as a whole, much less public opinion, but they demonstrate different versions of the same essential narrative. The Shenbao story of ‘1911’ told of struggle and triumph, culminating in the election of Sun Yat-sen as provisional president on 1 January 1912, which marked the founding of the republic. Dagongbao lacked triumphalism and was almost tragic in its reading of the revolution. Nonetheless, Dagongbao as much as Shenbao was quick to present a story of the transformation of ‘chaos’ into ‘revolution’ and finally into the republic (with the imperial abdication of 12 February). Both newspapers traced the revolution from the Wuchang Uprising, and the resulting narrative structure divided political time into before and after. That division is probably the essence of ‘revolution’.


Author(s):  
Mariana Komarytsia

In the article we analyze the press publications that covered the process of realizing the idea of consolidation and its theoretical reasoning in the journals of 1918—1919 in UNR and Ukrainian State. The subject of the research is newspaper materials of such press editions as «Nova Rada» (Kyiv, 1917—1919), «Kozatska Dumka» (Berdychiv, 1917), «Vidrodzennia» (Kiev, 1918), «Vistnyk Ukrainskoi Narodnoi Respubliky » (Kyiv, Vinnytsia, Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Vinnytsia, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Kharkiv, 1918), «Zhyttia Podillia» (Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Kievskii Kommunist» (1918—1919) and others. Analysis of publications about consolidation reveals a wide range of factors that influenced the Act of Union on January 22, 1919 — historical, mental, ideological, political and informational. At the same time it reveals the inconsistency policy of the leaders of the Ukrainian Central Rada, in particular Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, of promoting the idea of the federation (which was de facto in opposition to the idea of consolidation). We have made comparative parallels of understanding the process of unification among Galician and Dnieper Ukrainians, taking into account the fact of the presence of Ukrainian lands within different empires — Russian and Austro-Hungarian, related to this fact internal contradictions among the Ukrainian political elite, open armed aggression against Ukraine. The repressions of the Russian authorities led to the destruction of the nationally-oriented Ukrainian political elite, whose numerous representatives did not know their native language. Additionally, the influence of socialist ideology caused the priority of social demands against national ones. Representatives of the Galicians, released after the revolution from the Siberian camps, have joined the government, administrative and educational institutions of Ukraine. The opponents of consolidation were the Bolsheviks, who saw the prospects of unification only under the red flag. In the journals were published texts of documents, described the process of the celebration on January 22, 1919, abstracts of V. Vynnychenko`s, S. Petliura`s, L. Tsehelsky`s and V. Olesnitsky`s speeches, published mottos for the necessity of the unity of the nation. Keywords: consolidation, Act of Union, federation, UNR, ZUNR, ukrainian press of 1918—1919.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 989-1004
Author(s):  
Р. G. Rogozny ◽  

The article explores the opening of religious relics in the first years of Soviet power and the reaction to this opening by “popular оrthodoxy”. Holy relics — the bones and imperishable remains of holy people — are revered in both the Orthodox and Catholic churches. In 1918–1920, the Bolsheviks, knowing popular belief in the incorruption of Holy relics, organized the opening of Church relics, and instead of imperishable relics found only bones. Government officials, priests, and doctors were appointed to the Commission responsible for opening relics of saints. Thus, the Soviet authorities tried to discredit the Church. The organizers of the company for opening relics were those who before the Revolution were linked to the Orthodox Church. These were either former priests or people who served in the Synod. The opening of the relics was a great shock for the faithful and a great success for the new authorities. Instead of imperishable relics, the tombs were found at best with rotted bones. The results of this campaign were published in the press and were actively used by Soviet power later.


1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 545-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer

The Convention Parliament, the revolutionary tribunal of the English Revolution of 1689, prohibited the printing of news of its affairs and barred the public from its debates. Authors, printers and publishers, however, defied these orders and published unlicensed accounts of speeches, votes, committee reports, and the membership of the Convention. Although the laws and administrative procedures which the later Stuarts had used to restrict the press were still in effect, they were not enforced. During the weeks of political crisis, quantities of news-sheets, newspapers and tracts reporting parliamentary news and political opinion appeared. At a time of growing scholarly and popular interest in the Glorious Revolution, it may be useful to examine the relationship between parliament and press. Although studies of the early press and of parliamentary reporting have been made, no detailed examination of these matters during the months of political upheaval in the winter of 1688–9 has been undertaken. Two central questions suggest themselves. How did the politically conscious public learn about what was happening in Westminster where their elected representatives and the peers of the realm were meeting to resolve the crisis facing the nation? What was the attitude of those representatives and peers to having information about their affairs spread beyond their chambers? The answers to such questions may deepen understanding of the Convention and of one aspect of the part played by the press in the Revolution.


Author(s):  
Biancamaria Fontana

This chapter discusses how Staël's analysis of the role of factions in the Revolution is better understood in the light of the final section of the Considerations, dedicated to England. Like her favorite Anglophile writers, Staël praised England's commercial achievements; its constitution; and its tradition of individual liberty, freedom of the press, and religious toleration. But what interested her above all was the functioning of English parliamentarianism and the nation's party system. All along she manifested great admiration for the Whig Party and its leaders: an admiration that was not affected by the pro-Bonapartist stand of Charles Fox's entourage, nor by the crippling divisions that wrecked the party during the French wars.


1986 ◽  
Vol 15 (8) ◽  
pp. 8-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A Lent
Keyword(s):  

After the revolution came competition, sensationalism — and investigations into newspapers run by ‘Marcos’ cronies’


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document