scholarly journals A bridge over Zbruch: Great Unity in the press of Ukrainian People’s Republic

2020 ◽  
pp. 126-146
Author(s):  
Mariana Komarytsia
Keyword(s):  
Native Language ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Press ◽  
Theoretical Reasoning ◽  
Red Flag ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Revolution

In the article we analyze the press publications that covered the process of realizing the idea of consolidation and its theoretical reasoning in the journals of 1918—1919 in UNR and Ukrainian State. The subject of the research is newspaper materials of such press editions as «Nova Rada» (Kyiv, 1917—1919), «Kozatska Dumka» (Berdychiv, 1917), «Vidrodzennia» (Kiev, 1918), «Vistnyk Ukrainskoi Narodnoi Respubliky » (Kyiv, Vinnytsia, Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Vinnytsia, 1918—1919), «Respublikanski Visty» (Kharkiv, 1918), «Zhyttia Podillia» (Kamianets-Podilsky, 1918—1919), «Kievskii Kommunist» (1918—1919) and others. Analysis of publications about consolidation reveals a wide range of factors that influenced the Act of Union on January 22, 1919 — historical, mental, ideological, political and informational. At the same time it reveals the inconsistency policy of the leaders of the Ukrainian Central Rada, in particular Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, of promoting the idea of the federation (which was de facto in opposition to the idea of consolidation). We have made comparative parallels of understanding the process of unification among Galician and Dnieper Ukrainians, taking into account the fact of the presence of Ukrainian lands within different empires — Russian and Austro-Hungarian, related to this fact internal contradictions among the Ukrainian political elite, open armed aggression against Ukraine. The repressions of the Russian authorities led to the destruction of the nationally-oriented Ukrainian political elite, whose numerous representatives did not know their native language. Additionally, the influence of socialist ideology caused the priority of social demands against national ones. Representatives of the Galicians, released after the revolution from the Siberian camps, have joined the government, administrative and educational institutions of Ukraine. The opponents of consolidation were the Bolsheviks, who saw the prospects of unification only under the red flag. In the journals were published texts of documents, described the process of the celebration on January 22, 1919, abstracts of V. Vynnychenko`s, S. Petliura`s, L. Tsehelsky`s and V. Olesnitsky`s speeches, published mottos for the necessity of the unity of the nation. Keywords: consolidation, Act of Union, federation, UNR, ZUNR, ukrainian press of 1918—1919.

ARTISTIC ASSIMILATION OF THE WORLD IN THE ESSAY PROSE OF M. G. ATAMANOV (BASED ON THE BOOK “I AM UDMURT. WHY DOES IT HURT?”)

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-464
Author(s):  
Alevtina Vasilevna Kamitova ◽  
Tatyana Ivanovna Zaitseva
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
National Identity ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Native Language ◽  
Topographic Features ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Individual Style

The paper reflects the specificity of the fundamental ideas of the artistic world of M. G. Atamanov, which includes a wide range of literary facts from the content level of the text of the works to their poetics. A particularly important role in the works of M. G. Atamanov is played by cross-cutting themes and images that reflect the author's individual style and his idea of national-ethnic identity. The subject of the research is the book of essays “Mon - Udmurt. Maly mynym vös’?” (“I am Udmurt. Why does it hurt?”), which most vividly reflected the main spiritual and artistic searches of M. G. Atamanov, associated with his ideas about the Udmurt people. The main motives and plots of the works included in the book under consideration are accumulated around the concept of “Udmurtness”. The comprehension of “Udmurtness” is modeled in his essays through specific leit themes: native language, Udmurt people, national culture, mentality, geographic and topographic features of the Udmurt people’ places of residence, the Orthodox idea. The “Udmurt theme” is recognized and comprehended by the writer through the prism of national identity.

Photography and Cinema in 20th-Century Mexico

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Mraz
Keyword(s):  
Golden Age ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Great Majority ◽  
Documentary Films ◽  
Feature Films ◽  
Mexican Society ◽  
International Audience ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Revolution

Photography, film, and other forms of technical imagery were incorporated quickly into Mexican society upon their respective arrivals, joining other visual expressions such as murals and folk art, demonstrating the primacy of the ocular in this culture. Photojournalism began around 1900, and has formed a pillar of Mexican photography, appearing in illustrated magazines and the numerous picture histories that have been produced. A central bifurcation in the photography of Mexico (by both Mexicans and foreigners) has been that of the picturesque and the anti-picturesque. Followers of the former tendency, such as Hugo Brehme, depict Mexicans as a product of nature, an expression of the vestiges left by pre-Columbian civilizations, the colony, and underdevelopment; for them, Mexico is an essence that has been made once and for all time. Those that are opposed to such essentialism, such as Manuel Álvarez Bravo, choose instead to posit that Mexicans are a product of historical experiences. The Mexican Revolution has been a central figure in both photography and cinema. The revolution was much photographed and filmed when it occurred, and that material has formed the base of many picture histories, often formed with the archive of Agustín Víctor Casasola, as well as with documentary films. Moreover, the revolution has been the subject of feature films. With the institutionalization of the revolution, governments became increasingly conservative, and the celebrity stars of “Golden Age” cinema provided models for citizenship; these films circulated widely throughout the Spanish speaking world. Although the great majority of photojournalists followed the line of the party dictatorship, there were several critical photographers who questioned the government, among them Nacho López, Héctor García, and the Hermanos Mayo. The Tlaltelolco massacre of 1968 was a watershed, from which was born a different journalism that offered space for the critical imagery of daily life by the New Photojounalists. Moreover, the representation of the massacre in cinema offered sharply contrasting viewpoints. Mexican cineastes have received much recognition in recent years, although they do not appear to be making Mexican films. Television in Mexico is controlled by a duopoly, but some programs have reached an international audience comparable to that of the Golden Age cinema.

scholarly journals Why Women Protest: Insights from Ukraine's EuroMaidan

Slavic Review ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 726-751 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olena Nikolayenko ◽  
Maria DeCasper
Keyword(s):  
Political Engagement ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Professional Service ◽  
Civic Duty ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Government ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
The Revolution

This article examines why Ukrainian women participated in the 2013–14 anti-government protests, widely known as the EuroMaidan. Based upon in-depth interviews with female protesters, the study uncovers a wide range of motivations for women's engagement in the revolution, including dissatisfaction with the government, solidarity with protesters, motherhood, civic duty, and professional service. Political discontent was the most cited reason for protesting. Solidarity with protesters was another major catalyst for political engagement. In addition, women who were mothers invoked the notion of mothering to provide a rationale for activism. The study contributes to the growing literature on women's participation in contentious politics in non-democracies.

Scandal at the Opera: Politics, the Press, and the Public at the Inauguration of the Budapest Opera House in 1884

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
Markian Prokopovych
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Franz Liszt ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Bela Bartok ◽  
Minor Importance ◽  
Symbolic Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Opera House ◽  
The Government

On 2 January 2012, a mass demonstration took place in Budapest in front of the Opera House. The rally was the culminating event in a series of street protests that had shaken Hungary during the previous months when many inhabitants of the Hungarian capital, along with their co-nationals elsewhere, felt increasingly uneasy with the symbolic politics initiated by the government of Viktor Orbán and his center-right FIDESZ Party. In particular, the crowd that collected in front of what is still Hungary's most representative institution of culture, on the main boulevard Andrássy út, protested against the inauguration of the new constitution that had come into force the previous day. Despite opposition inside and outside of Hungary, the ruling political elite comprising the prime minister and his political entourage celebrated the new constitution—and themselves—at a gala event in the opera house. A number of other celebratory events in connection with Hungary's new constitution were also staged, among them a controversial exhibition of paintings in the National Gallery, located to date in the Buda Palace, meant to highlight the most important events in recent Hungarian history. Inside the opera house, Orbán and his political supporters listened to a collection of works by, among others, Franz Liszt, Ferenc Erkel, and Béla Bartók, but the composition of the program was a matter of minor importance on that day. Instead, as he and his government representatives congratulated each other that night on their party's achievements in power, the crowd outside the opera house jeered in reference to Hungary's fall in international economic rankings and the methods of rule that they saw as authoritarian, if not dictatorial, and appealed to a wider international community, for example, with slogans such as, “Hey Europe, sorry about my Prime Minister.”

scholarly journals On the prospects of transitioning from the corruption “track” of historical path of the Russian society

2020 ◽  
pp. 10-22
Author(s):  
Dmitry Vadimovich Bakharev
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Russian State ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Mode Of Operation ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Model

The subject of this research is the historical prerequisites of formation of the modern Russian model of state administration with its enormous corruption component. Analysis is conducted on the sociopolitical processes that took place in Russia, since the origin of conception of its statehood (formation of the Grand Duchy of Vladimir) until the events of past decade. A wide variety of literature of the Russian and foreign authors dedicated to the historical and institutional aspects of formation of national and foreign statehood became the source base for this research. An attempt is made to determine the fundamental factors of the emergence and wide spread of various manifestations of corruption at all stages of existence of the Russian state. A conclusion is made that drastic reconstruction of the historically established in Russia model of relationship between the government and society, and thus, decline in the scale of corruption, are possible only under the condition of formation of a large social coalition that supports: 1) the expansion of pluralistic basis in creation and development of the mode of operation of political institutions; 2) further public control over their activity. The reference point of such processes can become only a historical situation, which marks an informed need of broad social circles to be able to fully exercise political rights, and simultaneous response to such request from the acting political elite.

Censorship, Propaganda and Public Opinion: The case of the Katyn Graves, 1943

1989 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 63-83
Author(s):  
P. M. H. Bell
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Mass Graves ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second World

THE SUBJECT of this paper is not the sombre story of the mass graves at Katyn, filled with the corpses of murdered Polish officers; nor will it deal directly with the question of who killed those officers. I approach these events in the course of research on the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy in Britain during the Second World War, and on the closely related matters of censorship and propaganda as practised by the British government in that period. The diplomatic crisis produced by the affair of the Katyn graves was one in which publicity was freely used as an instrument of policy—indeed sometimes policy and publicity were indistinguishable. Those who controlled British censorship and propaganda, and attempted to guide public opinion, were faced with acute and wideranging problems. It is the object of this paper to analyse those problems, to see how the government tried to cope with them, and to trace the reactions of the press and public opinion, as a case study in the extent and limitations of government influence in such matters.

scholarly journals REVOLUSI YAYASAN SOSIAL DAN KEMANUSIAAN TERINTEGRASI BAGI ANAK JALANAN DAN YATIM PIATU DALAM NILAI-NILAI ISLAM

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-77
Author(s):  
Imamul Arifin ◽  
Andika Adinul Yahya ◽  
Muhammad Thoriq Azzam
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Street Children ◽  
Quality Education ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Future Needs ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
The Revolution

The Revolution of Human Resources (SDA) and Mental Nation is indeed important today to sustain the progress of the nation. But before that, it must be realized about the lack of attention to education for people who are not addressed, for example street children and orphans in need. All elements of the nation should be realize of the deficiency or something that needs to be improved from this. The government, educational institutions and humanitarian social bodies that form the nation's generation are very important for this.  But here, it is emphasized for the Social Foundation and humanity to be more able to pay attention to their future needs for the better, because this institution is a suitable place for them to get quality education, character, and morals that are in accordance with Islamic values, where the aim is to provide equitable justice for the people's and make a better national life.Revolusi Sumber Daya Manusia (SDA) dan Mental bangsa memanglah penting di era sekarang untuk menopang kemajuan bangsa. Namun sebelumnya, haruslah disadari tentang kurangnya perhatian terhadap pendidikan bagi masyarakat yang tidak diperhatikan, contohnya anak jalanan dan anak yatim piatu yang membutuhkan. Harusnya semua elemen bangsa  menyadari tentang kekurangan atau sesuatu hal yang perlu diperbaiki dari ini. Pemerintah, instansi/lembaga pendidikan dan badan sosial kemanusiaan pembentuk generasi bangsa  sangatlah berperan penting. Namun disini, ditekankan bagi Yayasan Sosial dan kemanusiaanlah untuk lebih bisa memperhatikan kebutuhan masa depan mereka menjadi lebih baik, karena instansi inilah sebagai tempat yang cocok bagi mereka untuk mendapat pendidikan, karakter, dan moral yang berkualitas dan sesuai dengan nilai-nilai keislaman, yang mana tujuannya adalah memberikan keadilan merata bagi masyarakat dan memajukan kehidupan bangsa yang lebih baik.

scholarly journals A Theoretic Perspective on Critical Communications, Mass Media and Effectual Democracy in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Aaron Ola Ogundiwin ◽  
Joel N. Nwachukwu ◽  
Funminiyi Jacob Babajide
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
X Rays ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Inclusive Governance

In contemporary times, democracy has become the political buzzword and, indeed, the basic acceptable form of government with the emergence of liberalism which links democracy with freedom, consent, and political and legal equality. The mass media – which include newspapers, radio and television – play a prominent role in governance and democratic sustainability of any state. In fact, it is a truism that the media serve as the watchdog of governmental activities, ensuring that quality information with which the governed can hold their leaders accountable is made available. The mass media were actively involved in the struggles against colonialism and military rule, as well as the eventual restoration of democratic government in Nigeria. However, in Nigeria, the mass media are fast becoming a pawn in the hands of the government and party in power in particular, and are found in conspiracy with the political elite class in general. This article takes on the contributions of the mass media to effectual democracy in Nigeria. Using agenda setting theoretical framework, it x-rays the effectiveness and shortcomings of the media in delivering on its mandate as the fourth estate of the realm towards ensuring that democratic practices in Nigeria produce the intended result of promoting good and inclusive governance. The paper adopts qualitative research design with data drawn from secondary sources only. It equally uses descriptive and content data analysis. It is found that the mass media have indeed been the middlemen in entrenching democracy in Nigeria but these efforts are being undermined by pecuniary, ownership, political and structural-institutional influences. It is concluded that while the mass media strive to ensure the general inclusion of the populace in the process of governing which fulfills a core democratic tenet, they can do more to overcome the challenges. Among other things, this paper recommends that the government should be deliberate in guaranteeing the freedom of the press to allow for free transmission of information between the government and the people without fear or favour, and likewise, the press should be professional, objective, critical and independent in their reportage, embracing the virtue of investigative journalism.

scholarly journals The history of the subject of Peace in the department of Cauca from 1962 to 2017, a proposal for its reinforcement and effective implementation

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-35
Author(s):  
Hoover Hugo Paredes Mosquera ◽  
Martha Elena Segura Sandoval ◽  
Maria Andrea Orozco Ordoñez ◽  
Hernando Efraín Caicedo Ortiz
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Monitoring And Control ◽  
Documentary Analysis ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Control

 In this article we present a study about the reinforcement of the Peace subject under the Law No. 1732 of 2014 and in the Regulatory Decree No. 1038 of 2015 in Cauca state in the Colombian Republic and legislative which measures that contributes to the strengthening of education considering the post-conflict situation the country is facing. This socio-legal research uses a mixed method. The qualitative approach based on documentary analysis, the ethnography which used the interview as a technique and the quantitative approach which considered the underpinned statistics data which the government entities provided with The study focuses on the pre-school, elementary, middle and high school of the educational institutions in Cauca state by starting a historical compilation of the regulations to determine compliance with legislative guidelines. Notwithstanding, the guidelines of the National Authority of Education for the Peace and subject development in Cauca state the progress results in its enforcement are little and are centered in Popayán as the state capital city without any record of its development on the other remaining 41 towns in the state thus evidencing the absence of an effective monitoring and control of the competent authorities.

scholarly journals Contesting Political Decisions Involving Environmental Issues: A Case Study in Portugal Based on the Press About Offshore Oil and Gas Drilling

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruno Pinto ◽  
Paula Castro
Keyword(s):  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
Gas Drilling ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Offshore Oil And Gas ◽  
Offshore Oil ◽  
Political Decisions

This paper presents a case study about the drilling of offshore oil and gas in mainland Portugal, a process that ended with the cancelation of all contracts. It aimed to better understand the argumentative and value dynamics involved in how municipalities, populations, civic organizations, and others successfully contested the central government decision of prospection. Since the press was one of the main stages for this conflict, it was important to analyze how it presented the respective arguments to society. Articles on this topic were collected from the two widely read national newspapers “Correio da Manhã” and “Público” in the culmination period of this confrontation, which occurred between June 2016 and December 2018. In total, 155 articles were found, 61.3% (n = 95) from “Público” and 38.7% (n = 60) from “Correio da Manhã.” The quantitative analysis focused on the number of news per month and the frequency of themes, as well as the frequency of actors and arguments used against and in favor of exploitation on the news. Thematic analysis was used to qualitatively assess the articulation of arguments in the two opposing views. Results show that, in both newspapers, the majority of articles focused on the positions and actions of those opposing prospection, as the Government and other actors in favor of drilling were much less active in presenting its arguments. Overall, the analysis suggests two different strategies: (a) a strong argumentative synergy between a wide range of actors against offshore prospection. Their concerted arguments defended multiple values, including public participation in political decisions, protecting local communities and places from environmental risks, countering climate change, and protecting local economic activities. (b) The Government was usually isolated in its arguments with the occasional exception of oil companies or representatives of the national industry. The scarce arguments used by these actors evoked mostly national economic values, with little engagement with other societal goals. This study suggests that the large mobilization of different sectors of society, their use of a convergent and wide range of arguments, and the lack of engagement of the Government in a dialogical argumentation were crucial to delegitimize the latter’s political decision.

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