The Impact of the Free Trade Agreement on Bilateral Trade between Quebec and the United States

Author(s):  
Gilles Duruflé ◽  
Benoit Tétrault
1990 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 394-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Raby

This is a good deal, a good deal for Canada and a deal that is good for all Canadians. It is also a fair deal, which means that it brings benefits and progress to our partner, the United States of America. When both countries prosper, our democracies are strengthened and leadership has been provided to our trading partners around the world. I think this initiative represents enlightened leadership to the trading partners about what can be accomplished when we determine that we are going to strike down protectionism, move toward liberalized trade, and generate new prosperity for all our people.On January 2, 1988, President Ronald Reagan of the United States and Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of Canada signed the landmark comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries that already enjoyed the largest bilateral trade relationship in the world. The FTA was subsequently ratified by the legislatures of both countries, if only after a bitterly fought election on the subject in Canada. On January 1, 1989, the FTA formally came into effect.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-404

On January 4, 2019, the United States requested consultations with Peru with respect to its forest governance obligations under the 2007 United States – Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (PTPA). The PTPA has an environmental chapter with robust terms that were included largely at the insistence of members of Congress, reflecting concerns that a free trade agreement with Peru could increase the country's export of illegally logged wood to the United States. The request for consultations focused on Peru's decision to relocate its Agency for the Supervision of Forest Resources and Wildlife (OSINFOR) to within Peru's Ministry of Environment—a change that, in the view of the United States, “appears to conflict” with a PTPA obligation that “‘OSINFOR shall be an independent and separate agency.’”


Author(s):  
John P. McCray

The dramatic growth in trade between the United States and Mexico from $12.39 billion to $56.8 billion of U.S. exports and $17.56 billion to $73 billion of U.S. imports between 1977 and 1996 and the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) have focused attention on the impact that the truck-transported portion of this trade has on U.S. highways. State and federal highway administrators are concerned with the planning implications this additional unexpected traffic may have on the transportation infrastructure. Public advocacy groups want additional highway funds to promote one NAFTA highway corridor over others in an effort to stimulate additional economic development. Most of these groups advocate a north-south route through the United States between Canada and Mexico that follows the alignment of an existing federal highway number. Research conducted by the U.S. government under the 1991 Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act has failed to define NAFTA highway corridors adequately, leaving policy makers with little concrete information with which to combat the rhetoric of the trade highway corridor advocacy groups. A report is provided on research critical to the needs of both highway administrators and corridor advocacy groups, namely, the location of U.S.-Mexican trade highway corridors and the trade truck density along these corridors.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 431-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry Crump

AbstractIt is unusual to find a negotiation not linked to at least one other negotiation. In some domains, such as international trade policy, we can identify negotiation networks with parties simultaneously involved in negotiations in global, multilateral, regional, and bilateral trade policy settings. A single party (i.e., a national government) will manage similar issues in all four settings and also manage these same issues with multiple parties in a single setting. International trade policy is one of many "linkage-rich" environments.This study examines the relationship between two discrete but linked treaty negotiations: the Singapore-Australia Free Trade Agreement of 2003 (SAFTA) and the United States-Singapore Free Trade Agreement of 2003 (USSFTA). Case analysis identifies five structural factors that enhance the potential and fundamentally shape the nature of negotiation linkage dynamics. If linkage occurs then role theory can be employed to define two functional role types, a link-pin party (Singapore in this study) and linked parties (Australia and the United States). Such theory and case analysis support the development of propositions and help establish guidance for managing negotiation behavior. Key structural characteristics that appear to create linkage dynamics in this study are used to build a four-part structural framework that maps the universe of negotiation-linkage phenomena and determines the fundamental nature of four discrete linkage conditions. This framework also provides descriptive and prescriptive guidance for managing strategy and power in linked negotiations.


Author(s):  
P. Lynn Kennedy ◽  
Brian Hilbun

This paper seeks to determine the impact of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) on the flow of trade between Australia and the United States. To accomplish this, time series data were gathered for 10 SITC REV. 1(0-9) classifications for the years 1985-2009. These data were then sorted into three sub-classes (by direction of trade flow): 1) U.S. exports for that particular SITC class to Australia, 2) vice versa, and then 3) total trade volume for that particular sub-class between the two nations. These three classifications for each SITC class were then regressed against the explanatory variables of GDP (both Australian/U.S.), Population (both Australian/U.S.), the Relative Exchange Rate (AU$/US$), and a dummy trade agreement variable, AUSFTA. The results suggest that AUSFTA has been a greater trade creation catalyst for Australia than for the United States. In fact, for the United States, a greater level of trade diversion has been the result.


1994 ◽  
pp. 284
Author(s):  
R. W. Riegert ◽  
R. J. Lane

The main concern of this article is the bilateral trade relationship between the United States and Canada, and specifically trade involving the energy industry. The main areas of the trade relationship are examined. First, the aims of the North American Free Trade Agreement are examined to show how it differs from, expands and improves upon the Free Trade Agreement. Second, four areas of commercial law are examined: The Uniform Commercial Code; U.S. federal legislation designed to control conflicting state laws; products liability dealing with the potential liability of Canadian manufacturers to American consumers; and the United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods. Third, there is advice to Canadian manufacturers on ways to avoid becoming liable for American tax. Fourth, the harmonization of American and Canadian trade and financial statutes in the areas of countervailing duties, dumping, anti-trust and customs tariffs is discussed. This is followed by advice on the different taxation policies followed by the United States and Canada and the implications for bilateral trade. Provisions for the transfer of possession of products are discussed as are immigration questions raised by the entry of Canadians into the United States to sell their products. Finally, the regulation of interstate commerce in the United States is examined.


1990 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Philip H. Davies

This article provides useful and brief background information on Canadian policy developments affecting the marketing of natural gas to the United States. Mr. Davies surveys the impact of the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement; recent trends in bilateral gas trade; and current Canadian pipeline capacity. The article sets the context for others that follow in this issue.


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