Slave Revolt on Screen

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALYSSA GOLDSTEIN SEPINWALL
Keyword(s):  
1981 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Geggus

Once the two largest sugar colonies in the slave-owning Caribbean, Jamaica and Haiti trace their separate paths of development back to the revolutionary struggles of the 1790's. While the French colony of Saint Domingue was transformed in a way few societies have ever been, Jamaica remained seemingly untouched by the conflagration that consumed its neighbour. When the slaves and free coloureds of Saint Domingue rebelled in the autumn of 1791, Jamaican society faced the greatest challenge of its history. The dramatic spectacle of violent self-liberation was acted out almost before the eyes of its blacks and mulattoes, while the ruling white elite experienced a dilemma that seemed to oppose its prosperity to its survival. This paper looks at the reaction of different social groups in the island in an attempt to explain its continuing stability.


2008 ◽  
Vol 80 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 191-220
Author(s):  
Alvin O. Thompson

Focusses on the commemoration and symbolic functions of the slavery past in the Americas, with a particular focus on Guyana. Author explains that while symbolic representations of the legacies of slavery increased in the Americas since the 1960s, the nationalist government under Forbes Burnham since 1970 went further in using the slavery past as its ideological foundation. He discusses how this relates to Guyana's history and ethnic development of 2 main, often opposed groups of African- and Indian-descended groups, calling on their respective slavery or indenture past in emphasizing their national significance. He further describes slavery-related symbolic representations promoted under Burnham, specifically the 1763 slave revolt led by Cuffy, presented as first anticolonial rebellion aimed at liberation, and as a precursor to the PNC government, and other slave rebellions and rebels, such as led by Damon in 1834. He points out how some Indian-Guyanese found that Indian heroes were sidelined in relation to these. Author then describes how the annual commemoration of Emancipation Day continues to refer to the martyrdom of these slave rebels, along with other discursive connections, such as regarding reparations. He also pays attention to the activities of nongovernmental organizations in Guyana up to the present in commemorating the slavery past, often with broader African diaspora connections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 79-92
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Gannon

This chapter examines the First Battle of Bull Run, also known as the First Battle of Manassas, and argues that the Civil War’s first battle represented the last battle of antebellum military cultures of free and slave states. Before the Civil War, Americans refused to maintain a large U.S. Army. In the antebellum era, states organized local militia units based on their perception of internal and external threats; fear of slave revolt prompted slave states to maintain larger, more effective units, particularly cavalry units. Troopers who manned cavalry militia also staffed the slave patrols that brutally enforced the slave regime. In contrast, free states had no such fears, and their militias were moribund before the Civil War. When war came, slave states’ superior military capability led to Confederate victory at Bull Run/Manassas. Later, volunteer units from the free states achieved a level of competency that overcame this initial disadvantage.


Author(s):  
Jason Berry

In the 1790s, as planters sold off land for faubourgs, or neighborhoods, New Orleans branched out. One such neighborhood was founded by Claude Tremé. Antonio de Sedella clashed with the vicar Rev. Patrick Walsh and his replacement Rev. John Olivier. Sedella became the elected pastor of St. Louis Cathedral, leading the one institution where people voluntarily gathered across the color line. Governor William C.C. Claiborne, a lawyer-turned-politician, governed a divided city. Conflicts arose between the French and American cultures, the black militia and white elite, and between Claiborne himself and his opponents. Faced with an influx of Haitian refugees, including whites, free people of color, and slaves, Claiborne faced the challenge of providing for the refugees deemed free while establishing the status of those the refugees considered as slaves. Many refugees who were legally free in Haiti became slaves in New Orleans. A slave revolt, with an estimated 500 rebels, broke out in 1811. Claiborne sent the local militia to put down the insurrection. Close to 100 of the rebels were killed. Advocates for statehood argued that Louisiana should join the U.S., and by admitting Louisiana in 1812, the U.S. cemented itself to a slave economy.


Slave No More ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 140-163
Author(s):  
Aline Helg

This chapter discusses the 1791 slave revolt in Saint Domingue and the following impact it had on the entire continent. This uprising marks the first time that thousands of slaves had attacked their exploiters and their plantations to demand freedom with unprecedented violence, implementing a scenario of servile revolt long feared by supporters of slavery. From 1791 to 1804, the slave uprising in Saint Domingue and its transformation into a liberation war panicked the rulers and slaveowners in a large portion of the Americas as well. Following the French defeat in 1803, Saint Domingue was renamed Haiti and became the second independent nation in the Americas and the only one to have irreversibly abolished slavery.


2021 ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Laura Arnold Leibman

The years following Sarah and Isaac’s conversion were ones of great change on the island, rife with controversies and rebellion. On the one hand the Brandon-Lopez-Gill clan was prospering, with both Brandon cousins and Lopez-Gill uncles making important marriages. Yet the synagogue was in disarray, with interracial sex often at the center of controversies. While unmarried Jewish men like Sarah and Isaac’s father suffered no penalties for extramarital affairs, married Jews and religious leaders found themselves repeatedly sanctioned by the synagogue, their intimate affairs laid open. Racial tensions on the island reached a peak in 1816 when a slave revolt broke out near the southern coast. In the years following the revolt, free people of color would seek compensation for their support in suppressing the insurrection. Petitions and religion, rather than open rebellion, became the new path to power.


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