Jamaica and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt, 1791-1793

1981 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Geggus

Once the two largest sugar colonies in the slave-owning Caribbean, Jamaica and Haiti trace their separate paths of development back to the revolutionary struggles of the 1790's. While the French colony of Saint Domingue was transformed in a way few societies have ever been, Jamaica remained seemingly untouched by the conflagration that consumed its neighbour. When the slaves and free coloureds of Saint Domingue rebelled in the autumn of 1791, Jamaican society faced the greatest challenge of its history. The dramatic spectacle of violent self-liberation was acted out almost before the eyes of its blacks and mulattoes, while the ruling white elite experienced a dilemma that seemed to oppose its prosperity to its survival. This paper looks at the reaction of different social groups in the island in an attempt to explain its continuing stability.


Costume ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Ashelford

When Jane Austen wrote in January 1801 that ‘Mrs Powlett was at once expensively and nakedly dressed’, the fashion for muslin dresses had existed for some eighteen years. This article examines the crucial period between 1779 and 1784 when the muslin garment, which became known as the chemise à la reine, was developed and refined. Originating in the French West Indies, the gaulle was the ‘colonial livery’ worn by the wives of the white elite, the ‘grands blancs’, and first appeared as a costume in a ballet performed in Paris in 1779. The version worn by Queen Marie Antoinette in Vigée Le Brun's controversial portrait of 1783 provoked, according to the Baron de Frénilly, ‘a revolution in dress’ which eventually destabilized society. The article focuses on the role played by Saint-Domingue, France's most valuable overseas possession, in the transference of the gaulle from colonial to metropolitan fashion, and how the colony became one of the major providers of unprocessed cotton to the French cotton industry.



Author(s):  
Jason Berry

In the 1790s, as planters sold off land for faubourgs, or neighborhoods, New Orleans branched out. One such neighborhood was founded by Claude Tremé. Antonio de Sedella clashed with the vicar Rev. Patrick Walsh and his replacement Rev. John Olivier. Sedella became the elected pastor of St. Louis Cathedral, leading the one institution where people voluntarily gathered across the color line. Governor William C.C. Claiborne, a lawyer-turned-politician, governed a divided city. Conflicts arose between the French and American cultures, the black militia and white elite, and between Claiborne himself and his opponents. Faced with an influx of Haitian refugees, including whites, free people of color, and slaves, Claiborne faced the challenge of providing for the refugees deemed free while establishing the status of those the refugees considered as slaves. Many refugees who were legally free in Haiti became slaves in New Orleans. A slave revolt, with an estimated 500 rebels, broke out in 1811. Claiborne sent the local militia to put down the insurrection. Close to 100 of the rebels were killed. Advocates for statehood argued that Louisiana should join the U.S., and by admitting Louisiana in 1812, the U.S. cemented itself to a slave economy.



Slave No More ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 140-163
Author(s):  
Aline Helg

This chapter discusses the 1791 slave revolt in Saint Domingue and the following impact it had on the entire continent. This uprising marks the first time that thousands of slaves had attacked their exploiters and their plantations to demand freedom with unprecedented violence, implementing a scenario of servile revolt long feared by supporters of slavery. From 1791 to 1804, the slave uprising in Saint Domingue and its transformation into a liberation war panicked the rulers and slaveowners in a large portion of the Americas as well. Following the French defeat in 1803, Saint Domingue was renamed Haiti and became the second independent nation in the Americas and the only one to have irreversibly abolished slavery.



2011 ◽  
Vol 85 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 169-190
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Fumagalli

This article focuses on Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry's Description Topographique et Politique de la partie espagnole de l'Isle Saint-Domingue (1796) and his Description Topographique, Physique, Civile, Politique et Historique de la partie française de l'Isle Saint-Domingue (1797). The Descriptions were both written before the beginning of the French Revolution and the 1791 slave revolt in Saint Domingue but were published when the colonial frontier had been abolished (at least de jure if not de facto) by the 1795 Peace of Basle. Overall, the article argues that the two Descriptions are ultimately committed to the (re)inscription of the colonial frontier but intriguingly oscillate between its erasure and its reinforcement. It begins by focusing on Saint-Méry's territorial projections and appropriative landscaping of the Spanish colony; it highlights the important role played by the border in the racial politics of Hispaniola and then revisits Saint-Mery's border politics on the island in the light of the author's conviction that France should reannex Louisiana, given to Spain in 1762.



1981 ◽  
Vol XCVI (CCCLXXIX) ◽  
pp. 285-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID GEGGUS


Author(s):  
Sue Peabody

Slave labor in eighteenth-century Isle Bourbon was shaped by the cultivation of staple crops, unlike the proto-industrial forms of labor found in the sugar plantations of the Atlantic world, and may have been milder, though periodic cyclones brought famine to slaves and their masters alike. On the eve of the French Revolution, following the death of Charles Routier, Madeleine’s mistress filed manumission papers, freeing her. As a result of the slave revolt in Saint-Domingue (Haiti), France issued the 1794 Decree of 16 Pluviôse abolishing slavery throughout the colonies. Although Madeleine should have been considered free twice over, the widow Routier declared Madeleine her slave on her 1796 census, a moment when Madeleine—like many free people of color in France’s empire—faced potential or actual re-enslavement.



2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-612
Author(s):  
David Allen Harvey

Abstract This article examines a 1779 legal dispute involving Pierre Chapuizet, a wealthy and well-connected sugar planter of the north province of Saint-Domingue who was denied a commission as an officer in the colonial militia due to allegations of mixed-race origin. Although the Conseil Supérieur of Cap Français had recognized Chapuizet's status as “white and unblemished” (blanc et ingénu) in 1771, the colonial administration and much of the white elite argued that his descent from a Black great-great-grandmother made him ineligible for the honor of a militia commission. This article argues that the Chapuizet affair demonstrates a shift in the boundaries of whiteness in the French Antilles. Traditional “color prejudice,” in which skin color was one factor among many others, such as wealth and family connections, gave way to modern scientific racism defined by biological descent, according to which a single Black ancestor, however remote, sufficed for exclusion from the white elite. Cet article examine une dispute légale de l'année 1779 qui visait à Pierre Chapuizet, un colon riche et renommé de la province nord de Saint-Domingue, à qui on refusait une commission d'officier de milice à cause des allégations qu'il était d'origine sang mêlé. Bien que le Conseil supérieur du Cap Français l'eût reconnu comme « blanc et ingénu » dans un arrêt de 1771, l'administration coloniale et la plupart de l’élite blanche considéraient que son ascendance, notamment son arrière-grand-mère noire, l'excluait de l'honneur d'une commission militaire. A travers l'affaire Chapuizet on constate une modification des identités raciales et du statut de l'homme blanc dans les Antilles françaises. Le « préjugé de couleur » traditionnel, selon lequel la couleur de la peau n’était qu'un facteur parmi d'autres comme la richesse et les alliances familiales cède au racisme scientifique moderne, défini par la filiation biologique, selon lequel un seul aïeul noir, aussi lointain qu'il soit, suffit pour l'exclusion de l’élite blanche.



2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 219-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bojana M. Dinić ◽  
Tara Bulut Allred ◽  
Boban Petrović ◽  
Anja Wertag

Abstract. The aim of this study was to evaluate psychometric properties of three sadism scales: Short Sadistic Impulse Scale (SSIS), Varieties of Sadistic Tendencies (VAST, which measures direct and vicarious sadism), and Assessment of Sadistic Personality (ASP). Sample included 443 participants (50.1% men) from the general population. Reliability based on internal consistency of all scales was good, and results of Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) showed that all three scales had acceptable fit indices for the proposed structure. Results of Item Response Theory (IRT) analysis showed that all three scales had higher measurement precision (information) in above-average scores. Validity of the scales was supported through moderate to high positive correlations with the Dark Triad traits, especially psychopathy, as well as positive correlations with aggressiveness and negative with Honesty-Humility. Moreover, results of hierarchical regression analysis showed that all three measures of direct, but not vicarious sadism, contributed significantly above and beyond other Dark Triad traits to the prediction of increased positive attitudes toward dangerous social groups. The profile similarity index showed that the SSIS and the ASP were highly overlapping, while vicarious sadism seems distinct from other sadism scales.



2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 206-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Verónica Sevillano ◽  
Susan T. Fiske

Abstract. Nonhuman animals are typically excluded from the scope of social psychology. This article presents animals as social objects – targets of human social responses – overviewing the similarities and differences with human targets. The focus here is on perceiving animal species as social groups. Reflecting the two fundamental dimensions of humans’ social cognition – perceived warmth (benign or ill intent) and competence (high or low ability), proposed within the Stereotype Content Model ( Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002 ) – animal stereotypes are identified, together with associated prejudices and behavioral tendencies. In line with human intergroup threats, both realistic and symbolic threats associated with animals are reviewed. As a whole, animals appear to be social perception targets within the human sphere of influence and a valid topic for research.



2010 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Asbrock

The stereotype content model says that warmth and competence are fundamental dimensions of social judgment. This brief report analyzes the cultural stereotypes of relevant social groups in a German student sample (N = 82). In support of the model, stereotypes of 29 societal groups led to five stable clusters of differing warmth and competence evaluations. As expected, clusters cover all four possible combinations of warmth and competence. The study also reports unique findings for the German context, for example, similarities between the perceptions of Turks and other foreigners. Moreover, it points to different stereotypes of lesbians and gay men.



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