Organized Action Colorized White Radio in the Crescent City

2019 ◽  
pp. 3-20
2019 ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Bala J. Baptiste

Black voices on radio provided community building opportunities for African Americans. As such, blacks created an alternative public sphere which allowed them to engage in discourse that unifies people into a collective. The Urban League on the national and local levels aided community building by organizing its members to approach radio station managers beginning in 1941. The organization's directives led to the establishment of the “Negro Forum,” an Afrocentric talk show that integrated the airways in New Orleans in 1946. WNOE station owner James Noe provided O. C. W. Taylor 15 minutes of free airtime on Sundays from 10 a.m. to 10:15 a.m. Noe's decision to accept the “Religious Forum” was also influenced by his interest in gaining Federal Communications Commission approval to change his position on the dial and increase the station's broadcast power from 250 watts to 50,000 watts.


Ports 2013 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ted W. Trenkwalder ◽  
Ward Stover ◽  
Richard Young
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 745-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Svallfors ◽  
Anna Tyllström

Abstract In this article, we analyse the striking resilience of for-profit care and service provision in what has often been seen as the archetypical social democratic welfare state: Sweden. We focus on the strategic discursive activities of private companies and their business organizations as they try to influence perceptions, organize actors and facilitate communication to defend profit-making in the welfare sector in the face of increasing conflict and opposition. We argue that taking such organized action into account changes dominant perceptions about the characteristics of the Swedish political economy, and carries important lessons for analyses of changes in the organization of the welfare state in general.


ILR Review ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (5) ◽  
pp. 1029-1052 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Chen ◽  
Mary Gallagher

Drawing on a qualitative analysis of two recent labor disputes in Guangzhou and Shenzhen, this article asks: Why has a broad-based labor movement failed to emerge in contemporary China? Both pro-labor legislation and the existence of movement-oriented labor NGOs appear to provide opportunities and resources for workers to engage in organized action to expand workers’ rights. Two political mechanisms, however, help explain why a strong labor movement has not developed: 1) legislation and courtroom procedures and 2) official institutions that monopolize the space for representation—specifically the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU). We call these two mechanisms “political fixes” and discuss how they interact to engender a feedback between the fragmentation of collective action during labor conflict and the continuous uptick in labor insurgency. This article contributes to labor movement theory: It puts greater emphasis on the institutional mechanisms that constrain labor, as opposed to sheer repression or economic factors.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-23
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Stanonis ◽  
Rachel Wallace
Keyword(s):  

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