scholarly journals The dynamics of agri-food trade between the EU28 and East African Community (EAC)

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Ivo Zdráhal ◽  
Nahanga Verter ◽  
Věra Bečvářová

AbstractThe increasing number of regional blocs and interdependence of nations have become important aspects of global economic integration. The European Union (EU28) as one of the most advanced regional bodies has had preferential trade agreements with other regional bodies, such as the East African Community (EAC). Historically, the EU28 has been the EAC’s leading trading partner. Against this background, this paper analyses the dynamics of bilateral trade in agri-food between the two regional blocs for the period 2000–2018, using the battery of empirical tools.The findings indicate that even though the EU has finalised trade agreements with the EAC, it holds on the region regarding trade has diminished. The EAC bloc has diversified its trading partners (to other African countries, India and China) beyond the EU28 markets. The results further reveal that the EU28 has comparative advantages in 32 out of 46 agri-food products in trading with EAC. The export concentration ratios show the EU28 slightly concentrated more in exporting products to the EAC than EAC to the Union. The BCG findings reveal (un)competitive and/or promising (dropping) products in export structures of both regions. By and large, the results indicate certain shifts in the comparative advantage, specialisation/diversification of exports and competitiveness of specific products on the bilateral level between EU28 and EAC. Policymakers, especially from EAC should continue to create enabling environments to stimulate food processing, trade and monitor changes in trade patterns or shocks within the framework of the Partnership Agreement.

2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-232
Author(s):  
Mmiselo Freedom Qumba

AbstractThis article examines the rejection of the International Investor–State dispute (ISDS) system across the African continent and its replacement with a range of domestic and regional alternatives. It assesses the advantages of the two principal options for African countries: retaining the current ISDS system, or using local courts and regional tribunals. To this end, the dispute resolution mechanisms proposed in the Pan-African Investment Code, the 2016 Southern African Development Community Finance and Investment Protocol, the SADC model BIT, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, Economic Community of West African States and East African Community investment agreements and domestic approaches are critically examined. The argument is then advanced that African countries should not abandon ISDS because replacing it with isolated domestic or regional mechanisms does not reduce any of the risks. In particular, for foreign investors, the risk associated with the adjudication of investment disputes in potentially biased, politically influenced domestic courts may prove too high. African host nations, in turn, risk sending out the wrong message concerning their commitment to the protection of foreign investments. Instead of veering off course, perhaps the time has come for African States to display the political will to remain within the ISDS system and contribute to its reform from within.


Significance The trade disputes are emblematic of the difficult relationship between Nairobi and Dodoma, which has been aggravated in recent years by mutual recriminations alleging interference in one another’s elections. These tensions are shaped by deeper rivalries between the two countries, as a rising Tanzania seeks to challenge Kenyan political and economic dominance. Impacts The Tanzanian president’s quick congratulations to Kenyatta, before Odinga has conceded, may take some heat out of interference claims. The East African Community (EAC)'s failure to end the bilateral trade rows will damage its claims to be able to resolve internal disputes. Tensions will slow EAC integration, making plans for currency integration even more remote.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael N.I. Lokuruka

Achieving food and nutrition security remains a tall order for developing countries. The FAO, IFPRI, WFP, UNICEF and other international bodies continue to provide active support in order to achieve global food and nutrition security. However, low technological capability, inefficient production, insignificant economic growth, increasing populations and lately climate variability, affect food production, leading to either stagnation or modest gains in food and nutrition security in different regions of the World. For African countries, food and nutrition security continues to improve, albeit at a slow pace, although the recent breakout of COVID-19 is bound to lead to a decline in food production, in the short and mid-term. In the East African Community, political stability, ambitious economic planning, the quest for higher agricultural productivity, improving educational achievement, improving sanitation and health, are contributing to the improving food and nutrition security. To hasten the process, Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania embraced Vision 2030, Vision 2040 and Vision 2025, respectively. These grand, socio-economic plans bore Vision 2050 in the East African Community and Vision 2063 for the African Union. This chapter examines food and nutrition security in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, and provides country-specific recommendations for achieving it. These include investing in agriculture, decelerating population growth, using adaptive research to solve farmer-problems, strengthening farmer-organizations and the formation of cooperatives.


Subject Burundian peace efforts. Significance On May 25, efforts to renew the Inter-Burundian Dialogue (IBD) ended in failure after chairperson Benjamin Mkapa, former president of Tanzania, refused to allow several high-profile Burundian civil society leaders to take part. The decision is the latest reason why opposition groups believe Mkapa should be removed from his position. Meanwhile, current Tanzanian President John Magufuli has argued that members of the East African Community (EAC) should refuse to back the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the EU until sanctions against Burundi are scrapped. Impacts President Pierre Nkurunziza may further purge the security services of ‘disloyal’ officers. Armed opposition groups based in the DRC will pose an increasing security threat. The ongoing crisis will hinder Bujumbura’s ability to respond to food and fuel shortages. The ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure, may intensify both violent actions and rhetoric.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003464462110367
Author(s):  
Naaborle Sackeyfio ◽  
Amadu Jacky Kaba

The heightened prospect of a “rising Africa” stems from multiple developments across the continent. Technological innovation, economic empowerment, increasing female leadership, and more continue to raise the fortunes of African countries. As regional economic communities engage with Agenda 2063, an ambitious endeavor to support and sustain economic development, a gendering environment is pivotal to any ensuing progress. Using the case studies of two regional organizations, our research examines the pace of political representation of women in relevant environmental committees in the Economic Community of West African States and the East African Community. In an epoch where women constitute half of the continent, the case for female representation to combat ecological challenges propelled by the securitization of environmental issues is paramount.


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