Study of the Correspondence Relationship between Korean Morpheme ‘-eoteot-’ and Chinese Perfective Aspect ‘le’ , ‘guo’

2021 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 309-337
Author(s):  
Zihui Zhu ◽  
◽  
Jishi Jin
Keyword(s):  
Perfective Aspect

scholarly journals Evolução do auxiliar verbal tempo-aspectual ta- da língua clássica à moderna

1969 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Shirlei Lica Ichisato Hashimoto
Keyword(s):  
Language Evolution ◽  
Evolution Process ◽  
Japanese Language ◽  
Past Tense ◽  
Perfective Aspect ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Classical Language

In the classical Japanese language there were six tense-aspectual verbal auxiliaries: Ki and Keri (past tense verbal auxiliaries) and Tsu, Nu, Tari and Ri (perfective aspect verbal auxiliaries). In the classical Japanese language evolution process to the modem language, these two distinct groups of verbal auxiliaries were reduced to only one verbal auxiliary Ta, originated from the classical languages perfective verbal auxiliary Tari. This study aims to study the Tari’s evolution since the classical language until the modem, demonstraining the variation of points of view during this evolution.

scholarly journals Once more on the verbal aspect and linguistic politeness in the Slavonic imperative: A parallel with Greek

2013 ◽  
pp. 169-183
Author(s):  
Rosanna Benacchio
Keyword(s):  
Second Person ◽  
Verbal Aspect ◽  
Perfective Aspect ◽  
Modern Greek ◽  
Linguistic Politeness ◽  
Slavonic Language

In the present paper the results from previous research on aspect in the imperative, done first for Russian and subsequently for the remaining Slavonic languages, are applied to another, non Slavonic language that also expresses the category of verbal aspect with morphological means, ie. modern Greek. It is confirmed that in imperative forms the verbal aspect may have pragmatical implications as regards preserving or cancelling distance and, more generally speaking, as regards (im-) politeness. That is, in Greek, similar to what was observed in some Slavonic languages (i.e. Serbian and Czech, but not in Russian) requests for actions that are expressed with the perfective aspect (ie. with aorist stem) are more neutral, ?correct?, formal, while those expressed with the imperfective (ie. with the present stem) are more informal, direct and therefore potentially impolite. The latter can be used at most in informal contexts in which the imperative, directed at a person, is expressed by means of the allocutive pronoun of the second person singular.

scholarly journals Factual Imperfective Contexts in Polish

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-127
Author(s):  
Dorota Klimek-Jankowska
Keyword(s):  
Online Questionnaire ◽  
Perfective Aspect ◽  
Coherence Relation ◽  
Temporal Variable

This study aims to account for the microvariation in aspect choices in factual imperfective contexts in Polish. To this goal an online questionnaire was conducted in which the participants from western and eastern Poland were asked to fill in the missing verbs in presuppositional and existential factual contexts involving an Elaboration coherence relation. The study shows that perfective aspect is preferred in presuppositional factual contexts and imperfective is preferred in existential factual contexts in both regions. Additionally, imperfective is generally more often used in factual contexts in eastern Poland than in western Poland. The study accounts for the observed preferences by resorting to the interaction between the Elaboration relation and (in)definiteness of the temporal variable (introduced at the level of AspP) with respect to the temporal trace of a complex event decomposed in the first phase syntax.

scholarly journals On inchoative states. Evidence from modification of Polish perfective psych verbs by degree quantifiers

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-79
Author(s):  
Ewa Willim
Keyword(s):  
Event Structure ◽  
Perfective Aspect ◽  
Lexical Aspect ◽  
Measure Function ◽  
Change Of State ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
The Subject

AbstractThe special properties that psych(ological) verbs manifest cross-linguistically have given rise to on-going debates in syntactic and semantic theorizing. Regarding their lexical aspect classification, while verbal psych predicates with the Experiencer argument mapped onto the subject (SE psych predicates) have generally been analyzed as stative, there is little agreement on what kinds of eventualities object Experiencer (OE) psych predicates describe. On the stative reading, OE psych predicates have been classified as atelic causative states. On the (non-agentive) eventive reading, they have been widely analyzed as telic change of state predicates and classified as achievements or as accomplishments. Based on Polish, Rozwadowska (2003, 2012) argues that nonagentive eventive OE psych predicates in the perfective aspect denote an onset of a state and that they are atelic rather than telic. This paper offers further support for the view that Polish perfective psych verbs do not denote a change of state, i.e., a transition from α to ¬α. The evidence is drawn from verbal comparison and the distribution of the comparative degree quantifier jeszcze bardziej ‘even more’ in perfective psych predicates. It is argued here that in contexts including jeszcze bardziej ‘even more’, the perfective predication denotes an onset of a state whose degree of intensity exceeds the comparative standard. While a degree quantifier attached to the VP in the syntax contributes a differential measure function that returns a (vague) value representing the degree to which the intensity of the Experiencer’s state exceeds the comparative standard in the event, it does not affect the event structure of the perfective verb and it does not provide the VP denotation it modifies with a final endpoint. As the perfective picks the onset of an upper open state, perfective psych predicates typically give rise to an atelic interpretation.

Bilingual children as “laboratories” for studying contact outcomes: Development of perfective aspect

Linguistics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 693-723 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pui Yiu Szeto ◽  
Stephen Matthews ◽  
Virginia Yip
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Ecological Approach ◽  
Bilingual Children ◽  
Verbal Morphology ◽  
Perfective Aspect ◽  
Contact Linguistics ◽  
English Bilingual ◽  
Aspect Markers ◽  
Conceptual Link ◽  
Language Transmission

Abstract This paper examines the close parallels between the contact phenomena in Cantonese-English bilingual children and Southeast Asian creoles, especially in the domain of perfective aspect marking. ‘Already’ is a cross-linguistically common lexical source of perfective aspect markers given its conceptual link with the sense of perfectivity. In contact scenarios involving a European lexifier and Southeast Asian substrates, the development of ‘already’ into a perfective marker is further triggered by the incompatibility between the verbal morphology of the former and the isolating typology of the latter. Adopting an ecological approach to language transmission and creole genesis we discuss how the transient grammaticalization phenomena in the bilingual children can be compared to decreolization, and how the study of bilingual acquisition can contribute to contact linguistics. Despite the prevalence of unpredictable factors in contact scenarios, we argue that bilingual children can still serve as powerful “laboratories” for studying contact outcomes at the communal level.

scholarly journals Aspects of the Indo-European Aorist and Imperfect

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Hollenbaugh
Keyword(s):  
Practical Reasons ◽  
Perfective Aspect ◽  
Imperfective Aspect

Abstract The Proto-Indo-European (PIE) tense-aspect system has been reconstructed since the time of Delbrück (1897) as containing a fundamental opposition between two aspect-denoting stems: An Aorist stem, denoting perfective aspect, and a Present stem, denoting imperfective aspect. This reconstruction is, for practical reasons, based almost entirely on Greek and Vedic. Re-examining the Homeric and R̥gvedic data, I argue on semantic grounds against this century-old understanding of the tense-aspect system of PIE. In its place, I reconstruct the “Aorist” indicative as denoting perfect aspect (not perfective), and the “Imperfect” indicative as a simple past tense (not imperfective). Evidence for this reconstruction is based on the consistent usage in the R̥gveda of the Aorist in the meaning ‘have done X’ (with present reference) and the Imperfect in the meaning ‘did X’ (especially in narrative contexts)—a distribution which frequently has a precise match in Homer.

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