A Constitutional Review on the Media Reform Act of 2021 - Focusing on the amendment to the Information and Communications Network Act -

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Sung Gi Hwang
Author(s):  
Janina Islam Abir ◽  
Tanbir Farhad Shamim

Reports by international organizations suggest that physical violence and threats against journalists and bloggers continued with impunity in Bangladesh, resulting in the country being ranked as 146 in the World Press Freedom Index 2018. Considering the increasing incidents of violence against journalists and attacks on media freedom, this chapter specifically aims to shed light on Bangladeshi laws and policies, which are related to media freedom and to protect media from crime against journalists. Relying on Beata Rozumilowicz's concept of media reform and stages of media reform, the study urges that Bangladesh is in under the rule of democratic rule for years that symbolizes the primary transition stage. However, the enactment of statutes on digital media, access to information, defamation, and so on epitomize the pre-transition stage of the media reform concept. Hence, the study questions the legal and media structure of Bangladesh with the historical and document analysis of laws and policies.


Author(s):  
Robert Hackett

The Media Democracy Day (MDD) project is an annual event for alternative, independent, and democratic media in Canada. It has approached the project of media reform with a three-pronged ambition: Know the Media, Be the Media, and Change the Media. This year, MDD’s annual conference was held between Nov. 7th and 8th at Vancouver Public Library. For more information about MDD, Please visit http://mediademocracyproject.ca/.


1998 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-121
Author(s):  
David Robie

On 19 October 1995, the Governor-General of Papua New Guinea issued the terms of reference for a Constitutional Review Committee's (CRC) Subcommittee on Media Accountability: to examine ‘whether changes need to be made to ensure that, while freedom of the press is maintained, owners, editors and journalists of all elements of the media are accountable and that persons aggrieved by media abuses have reasonable redress’. The CRC held a public seminar in January 1996 to explore the issues and the Media Council of Papua blew Guinea held a ‘freedom at the crossroads’ seminar the following month. Public responses were overwhelmingly in favour of the traditional ‘free’ press in Papua New Guinea, as guaranteed under Section 46 of the Constitution. The report of the Subcommittee on Media Accountability to Parliament in June 1996 essentially came to the same conclusion. However, the CRC introduced three draft media laws in November which introduced a controversial system involving a Media Commission, registration of journalists, licensing of media organisations and serious penalties for transgressors. The proposed legislation was widely condemned and was eventually shelved in February 1997, A general view is that the media debate was manipulated by a small group of politicians out of self-interest. This paper examines the developments in the context of the erosion of the news media and free expression in the South Pacific generally.


Author(s):  
Simon Dawes ◽  
Des Freedman

In this interview, Des Freedman discusses his work as an activist in the Media Reform movement, as a critic of media policy, and as a theorist of media power. Freedman explains his approach to media power as a material and relational property, distinguishing it from liberal pluralist, cultural studies and political-economic approaches. Discussing media power in the context of the recent BBC charter review process and the earlier Leveson Inquiry into the ethics of the British press, Freedman clarifies his proposal for a research focus on ‘non-decisionmaking’ in the policy field. Ultimately, he explains how guiding principles, programmes of action, and an understanding of the contradictory nature of media power are all necessary to bring about revolutionary reform.


2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-77
Author(s):  
Sarah Chiumbu

The discourse of media reform emerged in southern Africa in the early 1990s on the back of a ‘democratisation agenda’ supported by policies by Western donors. While much academic attention has been paid to the analysis of media reforms in the region within democratisation and globalisation frameworks, less sustained analysis has been made in examining the role of bilateral and multilateral donors, in conjunction with various Western epistemic communities, in pushing a neo-liberal media reform agenda, which this paper argues is a continuation of the developmental project that started in the 1960s. In addition, discourses framing media reform policies and the manner in which domestic (read southern African) policy elites are incorporated into this neo-liberal transnational project have not been subject to systematic inquiry. This paper will dialogue with two conceptual positions: coloniality theories and postcolonial approaches to argue that the ‘media and democracy’ agenda, as a modernity project, has been an imposition of ideas and priorities from Western actors to advance certain material interests. In conclusion, this paper provides alternative ways of (re)conceptualising media reform in southern Africa.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-83
Author(s):  
Mariana De Maio

Abstract Using second-level agenda setting, this paper examines the coverage of Argentina’s 2009 media reform. To investigate the attributes the media used, data were collected from three national newspapers’ online publications (Clarín, La Nación, and Página/12). Results from the analysis suggest that the newspapers used different attributes and tone based on their political leanings. Content analysis before and after selected court’s rulings on the new media law demonstrate that La Nación and Clarín tended to converge in the way they used attributes and tone. When the rulings went against the interests of Clarín and La Nación, both newspapers reacted negatively, in tone and attribute, relative to Página/12.


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