scholarly journals Māori Women, Discrimination and Paid Work: The Need for an Intersectional Approach

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Reilly

New Zealand has been at the forefront of labour regulation and views itself as a leader in the field of human rights. However, this article focuses on an area where the law is underdeveloped. It argues that the ongoing socio-economic inequality of Māori women is inconsistent with social justice, New Zealand's international human rights obligations and the Treaty of Waitangi. Improving access to paid work could help to address this, but the law does not adequately address the intersectional discrimination – discrimination on multiple grounds – that Māori women and others experience. New Zealand discrimination law, in both the human rights and employment jurisdictions, is largely comparator-based which is inherently flawed as a mechanism for addressing intersectional discrimination. Moreover, the law is poorly understood and weakly enforced. New Zealand also has limited affirmative action provisions; no quotas or targets are set with regards to improving the access to paid work of Māori women and very few New Zealand employers are required to report on matters pertaining to gender equality. The article concludes that the impact of intersectional discrimination on Māori women (and others) must be recognised and addressed and that a range of options is available to do this, if the political will were present.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Reilly

New Zealand has been at the forefront of labour regulation and views itself as a leader in the field of human rights. However, this article focuses on an area where the law is underdeveloped. It argues that the ongoing socio-economic inequality of Māori women is inconsistent with social justice, New Zealand's international human rights obligations and the Treaty of Waitangi. Improving access to paid work could help to address this, but the law does not adequately address the intersectional discrimination – discrimination on multiple grounds – that Māori women and others experience. New Zealand discrimination law, in both the human rights and employment jurisdictions, is largely comparator-based which is inherently flawed as a mechanism for addressing intersectional discrimination. Moreover, the law is poorly understood and weakly enforced. New Zealand also has limited affirmative action provisions; no quotas or targets are set with regards to improving the access to paid work of Māori women and very few New Zealand employers are required to report on matters pertaining to gender equality. The article concludes that the impact of intersectional discrimination on Māori women (and others) must be recognised and addressed and that a range of options is available to do this, if the political will were present.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 321
Author(s):  
Amanda Reilly

New Zealand has been at the forefront of labour regulation and views itself as a leader in the field of human rights. However, this article focuses on an area where the law is underdeveloped. It argues that the ongoing socio-economic inequality of Māori women is inconsistent with social justice, New Zealand's international human rights obligations and the Treaty of Waitangi. Improving access to paid work could help to address this, but the law does not adequately address the intersectional discrimination – discrimination on multiple grounds – that Māori women and others experience. New Zealand discrimination law, in both the human rights and employment jurisdictions, is largely comparator-based which is inherently flawed as a mechanism for addressing intersectional discrimination. Moreover, the law is poorly understood and weakly enforced. New Zealand also has limited affirmative action provisions; no quotas or targets are set with regards to improving the access to paid work of Māori women and very few New Zealand employers are required to report on matters pertaining to gender equality. The article concludes that the impact of intersectional discrimination on Māori women (and others) must be recognised and addressed and that a range of options is available to do this, if the political will were present.


Author(s):  
Neville Cox

Abstract In May 2017, news broke that comedian Stephen Fry was, briefly, under investigation in Ireland, for blasphemy, leading to a reaction of outrage that a blasphemy law existed in Ireland in 2017. This mirrored the equivalent reaction in 2009 when Ireland, in fulfilment of a constitutional obligation, defined the crime in a piece of legislation. A blasphemy law must, by definition, be predicated on a religious public morality that regards certain kinds of irreverence as being ‘unsayable’ and, because Irish public morality is now secular in nature, the law, even though it can have no substantive impact, carried an embarrassingly erroneous message about the nature of modern Ireland. The impact of the law was, therefore, symbolic, and the reaction was against what was seen as an embarrassing and inaccurate symbolic message about the nature of modern Ireland. The disconnect between Irish public morality and the existence of a blasphemy law is the strongest reason why the law should be abolished, and is also the reason why it is unjustifiable as a matter of International Human Rights Law.


Author(s):  
Yogesh Tyagi

The golden jubilee of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) coincides with the emergence of Asia as a centre of global attention. However, greater attention to Asia has been accompanied by some scepticism over its attitude towards human rights. The chapter provides an overall assessment of the impact of the ICCPR on the major Asian States, with an analysis of the factors affecting such influence. The chapter considers the involvement in, observance of, and compliance with the provisions of the ICCPR by these States. It further delves into the academic and judicial discourse on the ICCPR within these States, recording the domestic disposition towards judgments of foreign courts, the output of the Human Rights Committee, and the work of other international human rights bodies. It makes suggestions for developing mechanisms to improve the effectiveness of the ICCPR and for creating databases to perform further research in the area.


2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
PIETRO SULLO

AbstractThis article discusses the Rwandan Law 18/2008 on genocide ideology in the light of international human rights standards. In order to put the genocide ideology law into context, it sketches a brief overview of the post-genocide scenario. Because of the influence that provisions restricting freedom of expression aimed at fighting negationism might exert on testimonies during genocide trials, it pays particular attention to the transitional justice strategies adopted in Rwanda. Finally, it assesses the law on the genocide ideology against the background provided by the measures implemented in some European countries to deal with the phenomenon of negationism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 254-345
Author(s):  
Klaus D. Beiter ◽  
Terence Karran ◽  
Kwadwo Appiagyei-Atua

Focusing on those countries that are members of the European Union, it may be noted that these countries are bound under international human rights agreements, such as the International Covenants on Civil and Political, and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights or the European Convention on Human Rights, to safeguard academic freedom under provisions providing for the right to freedom of expression, the right to education, and respect for ‘the freedom indispensable for scientific research.’ unesco’s Recommendation concerning the Status of Higher-Education Teaching Personnel, a ‘soft-law’ document of 1997, concretises international human rights requirements to be complied with to make the protection of the right to academic freedom effective. Relying on a set of human rights indicators, the present article assesses the extent to which the constitutions, laws on higher education, and other relevant legislation of eu states implement the Recommendation’s criteria. The situation of academic freedom in practice will not be assessed here. The results for the various countries have been quantified and countries ranked in accordance with ‘their performance.’ The assessment demonstrates that, overall, the state of the protection of the right to academic freedom in the law of European states is one of ‘ill-health.’ Institutional autonomy is being misconstrued as exhausting the concept of academic freedom, self-governance in higher education institutions sacrificed for ‘executive-style’ management, and employment security abrogated to cater for ‘changing employment needs’ in higher education.


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