political will
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2022 ◽  
Mimi Coultas ◽  
Mable Mideva Chanza ◽  
Ruhil Iyer ◽  
Lambert Karangwa ◽  
Jimmy Eric Kariuki ◽  

Abstract Government leadership at both the national and sub-national levels is an essential step towards ensuring safely managed sanitation services for all. Though the importance of sub-national government leadership for water, sanitation and hygiene is widely acknowledged, to date much of the focus has been on the delivery of water services. This article sets out to start to address this imbalance by focusing on practical ways to galvanise and foster sub-national government leadership for sanitation programming. By focusing on the experiences across three sub-national areas in East Africa where positive changes in the prioritisation of sanitation by local governments have been witnessed, we (a group of researchers, local government representatives and development partner staff) cross-examine and identify lessons learnt. The results presented in this paper and subsequent discussion provide practical recommendations for those wishing to trigger a change in political will at the local level and create the foundation to strengthen sanitation governance and the wider system needed to ensure service delivery for all.

2022 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Oskar Mulej

Abstract The article focuses on two sets of autonomist demands that the far-right Sudeten German Party (SdP) in Czechoslovakia put forward during 1937–38. Its central thesis being that both sets were marked by a profoundly close interplay between territorial and non-territorial approaches at accommodating national diversity, it sets to explore this relationship, highlighting the underlying dynamic. Although the 1937 Volksschutzgesetze posed as an ostensibly “pure” case of non-territorial autonomy, whereas the 1938 Skizze über Neuordnung der innerstaatlichen Verhältnisse entailed major territorial provisions, in both cases the practical end-goal implied territorial autonomy. A closer look into their inner logic and intellectual origins however, also reveals a shared, essentially non-territorial underpinning. While the SdP agenda was firmly centered on national territory, its specific völkisch and organicist understanding of nationality manifested a clear preponderance of non-territoriality. Both sets of autonomist demands may thus be treated as a potentially maximalist combination of territorial and non-territorial arrangements resting on a fundamentally non-territorial notion of Volkspersönlichkeit. Encompassing all the members of the national group, the latter was simultaneously conceived as the basic carrier of political will. Volksschutzgesetze and Skizze thus represented clear examples of illiberal (re-)conceptualization of national autonomy, informed by contemporary völkisch sociological, legal, and political thought.

Jurnal HAM ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 503
Firdaus Firdaus ◽  
Okky Chahyo Nugroho ◽  
Oksimana Darmawan

Fenomena deret tunggu eksekusi mati bukan hanya menjadi masa tunggu terpidana mati dalam proses pengajuan upaya hukum permohonan grasi ke Presiden, tetapi juga menjadi bentuk penghukuman tersendiri bagi para terpidana mati. Rumusan masalah membahas tiga hal. Pertama, bagaimana alternatif penanganan deret tunggu terpidana mati dari sudut pandang hak asasi manusia yaitu hak sipil politik (hak hidup) hak ekonomi, sosial dan budaya (hak kesehatan jiwa)?. Kedua, apa upaya yang telah dilakukan Lembaga Pemasyarakatan dalam memenuhi hak dasar terpidana mati?. Ketiga, bagaimana alternatif lainnya dalam penanganan fenomena deret tunggu? Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian yuridis empiris yang merupakan penelitian hukum sosiologis dengan melakukan wawancara dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa alternatif pidana yang dapat menggantikan pidana mati dan tantangan penerapannya yaitu kembali ke tujuan pemidanaan sebagai koreksi sosial dimana hal ini tidak hanya menghukum narapidana. Perlu terdapat perubahan dalam sistem penegakan hukum termasuk institusi terkat. Tantangan alternatif pengganti pidana mati adalah political will dari pemerintah dengan mengedepankan hak asasi manusia terpidana mati. Selain itu, pemenuhan hak kesehatan jiwa terpidana mati harus didukung oleh tenaga profesional tentang kejiwaan.

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-229 ◽  
Mirela Trtovac Šabović ◽  
Milos Milosavljevic ◽  
Sladjana Benkovic

Participation in the local public finance decision-making process in Serbia is not a new concept as it was implemented even during the ‘Titoistic’ period. However, direct participation is still in an infant phase altogether with the low interest of citizens in participating in local financial decision-making procedures. The aim of this paper is to explain the main types of civic participation in the local financial decision-making process (i.e., referendum voting on self-imposed contribution, participatory budgeting, and civic crowdfunding) and to focus on the main factors that lead to a low participation of citizens in such processes. Additionally, the article analyses how these factors affect general mistrust in politics and society. For this purpose, a total of N=421 citizens were interviewed. Using the principal component analysis, the following three main components for low participation were defined: 1) lack of knowledge, 2) lack of interest, and 3) lack of political will. Thereafter, using the regression analysis, the study confirmed that the first two components are statistically significant predictors for mistrust in politics and society.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 151-159
Sergey Luzyanin

The article is dedicated to the global, regional and bilateral aspects of the current Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, including its strengths and existing weaknesses. The author analyses potentialities of the Treaty on Good Neighborliness and Friendly Cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation, which celebrated its 20th anniversary this year, as well as the Russian-Chinese dimensions in Greater Eurasia, including the complexities and problems of the conjugation processes and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The author describes positive and constraining factors for the further development of the Organization. The article describes the problems of Russia-China cooperation with regard to Siberia and the Far East, including some difficulties of investment and infrastructure projects. It is being noted that the Chinese vision of the Russian Far Eastern regions does not always coincide with the Russian one. It is important, relying on political will and mutual trust, to frankly and objectively discuss all sensitive issues and contradictions.

2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-190
Jarosław Stróżyk

NATO declares open door policy towards aspiring countries since 90s. States from South Caucasus region took the effort to adjust its defense and security systems to NAO standards. To become a fully-fledged NATO members the main obstacle remains the lack of political will to extend NATO commitment to collective defense. Additionally self-imposed limitations of some NATO members stemming form 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act plays a vital role. It’s hard to assume that new Strategic Concept will grant an automatic membership to any of NATO partner countries. Georgia, Armenia nor Azerbaijan have been seriously considered as NATO member states. The door are barely open.

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110575
Le Dinh Tinh ◽  
Vu Thi Thu Ngan

Limited capability and political will have caused the great powers to fail to demonstrate their global leadership in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, which has created greater room to manoeuvre for other countries to influence international affairs. Preliminary achievements in the fight against the COVID-19 crisis have buttressed the rising global status of small and medium-sized states, including Vietnam. Although Vietnam has recently been recognised as an emerging middle power, scepticism looms regarding whether this higher international status is beyond its capacity. We argue that the pandemic may act as a catalyst for Vietnam to further elevate its strategic role as a middle power on the international stage in the medium and long term.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (Issue 4) ◽  
pp. 97-104
Denis Mwaipopo Josephat ◽  
Elias Elisha Mbuti

This study sought to establish the effectiveness of strategies used by local government leaders in combating violation of children’s rights in Arusha City using the descriptive design. The population involved 168 local government leaders from 24 Wards whereby the sample of 96 was picked through simple random sampling, but the response rate was 71 (73.9%). Validity was assured through expert judgment and the reliability was established through determination of the Cronbach’s Alfa which was above 0.6 for each variable. The study established that strategies used by local government leaders in combating violation of Children’s rights include desks at police stations for children right cases, education to the community, protection committees that coordinate and monitor violation of children’s rights, local government authorities providing legal aid, perpetrators being prosecuted so that legal action can be taken against them and free family events and activities for children’s rights education. The strategies were perceived to be effective except for children’s desk at police stations. Identified challenges included some cases not being reported, poor cooperation from victims, corruption, lack of political will and ineffective policies. It is recommended that appropriate organs should strengthen the use of strategies listed in this study in order to curb violation of children’s rights issues. There is a need for transformations in handling reported cases at the police desks. Finally, the government authorities should find ways to curb the identified challenges that faced initiatives used by local government leaders in combating violation of children’s rights in Arusha city.

D. Yakimova ◽  
Yu. Dzis

The article is devoted to the analysis of partnership relations between the Russian Federation and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The study is relevant as in 2018 at the summit in Singapore the Russia-ASEAN dialogue was brought to the level of strategic partnership, and today active and dynamic relations are being formed between Russia and ASEAN, stimulating foreign economic and trade activities. Special attention is paid to cooperation during the Coronavirus pandemic. Russia’s practical role in strengthening ASEAN’s positions in the Asia-Pacific region is also analyzed. The article focuses on both the achievements and the problems of bilateral relations, as well as on outlining the prospects for their further development. The author comes to the conclusion that nowadays the presence of political will allows Russia and ASEAN to develop their relations quite dynamically, and the parties solve any problems in the spirit of mutual understanding and respect, which outlines rather broad prospects for cooperation.

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