Social Class Influences: Student Engagement of Upper Middle Class African American Students

Author(s):  
Kitty Fortner
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Douglas G Wren

Point of view:  I am a cisgender, White male in my sixties.  I retired recently after working with children in a professional capacity since the mid-1970s.  My first career involved organizing and managing youth sports programs for public recreation departments.  I began my second career as an elementary school teacher in the privileged white neighborhood where I grew up near Atlanta, Georgia.  There were no African American students at any of the public schools I attended.  By the time I took a position in the central office after teaching for 14 years, Black students comprised 77% of the county’s 98,000 students (Anderson & Smith-Hunt, 2005).  I spent my last six years in the classroom teaching fifth graders and serving as the school’s gifted liaison teacher.  In the latter role, I administered tests to students to determine if they were eligible for the “gifted” label.  At that time, I also taught an assessment course to teachers who were seeking a gifted add-on endorsement to their teaching certificates.  I recently retired from a large school district in a different state after working as an educational measurement and assessment specialist for 12 years.  Value:  Numerous educational policies and procedures in the United States benefit children from privileged families over their traditionally underserved counterparts, which include students of color and low-income students.  This piece describes a public school district’s inequitable practices related to its program for gifted students, practices that are not uncommon in many American school districts.  “Education is one of the best ways to address systemic inequities, but education systems in the US seem to be increasingly subject to criticism that they are unable to change and promote equity” (Cheville, 2018, p. 1).  Despite their inherent resistance to change, educational agencies must be made aware of discriminatory policies and procedures.  Stakeholders must then hold policy makers and educational leaders to account.  As James hanged until it is faced” (1962, p. 38). Summary:  Gifted education programs in public schools comprise mainly middle-class and upper-middle-class students of European and Asian descent.  Students from low socioeconomic groups, African American students, Latinx students, and Indigenous American students continue to be underrepresented in gifted programs, despite the fact that this inequity was brought to light many years ago (Ford, 1998).  Given our nation’s long history of overt and covert racism, it is not surprising that the manner by which students are identified for gifted services is systemically entrenched and at the heart of the problem.  Most states have mandates or provide guidance to local school districts regarding identification criteria; however, very few of the measurement instruments and methods used to evaluate of children for gifted services are effective at facilitating equal representation of all groups in gifted education programs.  This piece examines one school district’s guidelines used to identify students for gifted services, including admittance to its prestigious school for gifted children.  Because the guidelines are typical of practices employed by many other school districts, the information contained herein is generalizable to a larger audience. 


2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guler Boyraz ◽  
Sharon G. Horne ◽  
Archandria C. Owens ◽  
Aisha P. Armstrong

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-93
Author(s):  
Celeste Hawkins

This article focuses on findings from a subgroup of African-American male students as part of a broader qualitative dissertation research study, which explored how exclusion and marginalization in schools impact the lives of African-American students. The study focused on the perspectives of youth attending both middle and high schools in Michigan, and investigated how students who have experienced forms of exclusion in their K–12 schooling viewed their educational experiences. Key themes that emerged from the study were lack of care, lack of belonging, disrupted education, debilitating discipline, and persistence and resilience. These themes were analyzed in relation to their intersectionality with culture, ethnicity, race, class, and gender.


NASPA Journal ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas A. Guiffrida

The importance of connections with peers to student development and retention has been highlighted in Astin's (1984) Theory of Student Involvement and Tinto's (1993) Theory of Student Departure, which are two of the most widely referenced and validated models in student affairs literature. However, recent research has questioned the applicability of these models to African American students who attend predominantly White institutions (PWIs). Although prior research has indicated that the models should be modified to recognize the importance of students’ relationships with their families, research has failed to understand the impact of relationships with friends from home. The purpose of this qualitative study was to understand the conditions under which friends from home were perceived as assets or liabilities to 99 African American undergraduates who attended a PWI. The results provide a link for broadening the applicability of Astin’s and Tinto's models and offer student affairs practitioners deeper insight into African American students' experiences at PWIs.


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