scholarly journals SINO – US Relations: A Case of Hybrid War

2021 ◽  
Vol IV (I) ◽  
pp. 31-43
Author(s):  
Mian Zahoor Ul Haq ◽  
Muhammad Imran Ashraf

US National Security Strategy, 2017, mentioned China as a revisionist state, an economic competitor and a challenger. US NSC China declared to compete with China under the guided principles of realism. US actions and strategies make an interesting argument to validate that USA has fallen in the Thucydides Trap, not because China has pushed the US, but because fear has engulfed her and has adopted an appropriate form of war. This article explores the approaches adopted by USA in her Hybrid War against China. It discusses the surge in attacks on China political Center of Gravity. It analyses the created chaos in Hongkong and the engineered clash of Muslim and Chinese civilisations. It observes how Corona Pandemic has been used to malign China and uncovers that US allies have been buoyed up to contain China. Before rendering conclusions, the article examines how the friends of china are being targeted.

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-61
Author(s):  
Bayram Sinkaya ◽  
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One of the lasting outcomes of the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 is the rising regional influence of Iran across the Middle East, which has been amplified by the dynamics of the region in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. Since then,there are many academic and journalistic attempts to explain and understand Iran’s policies towards the region. Tabatabai’s No Conquest, No Defeat: Iran’s National Security Strategy is an attempt to explain Iran’s foreign and security policies, particularly towards the Middle East, by putting them into a historical and cultural context. A frequent contributor to the leading US think tanks and recently appointed as a senior advisor position at the US Department of State, Tabatabai considered her study to ‘sit at the intersection’ of Iran’s military history and its politics.


Author(s):  
N. P. Gribin

Under the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, the President of the United States must submit to Congress each year a report on the national security strategy. This report under the name of “National Security Strategy” is intended to be a comprehensive statement anticipating the worldwide interests, goals and objectives that are deemed crucial to the national security of the United States. The new “National Security Strategy” (December 2017) lays out the strategic vision of the Presidential Administration under Donald Trump about ways and means by which the US seeks to deal with internal and external threats. The authors of the Strategy set themselves the main task of proving that American security is based on the realization that American principles are: “a lasting force for good in the World.”  The authors of the Strategy prioritize the protection of the American way of life and American interests all over the world. In that aspect, they see the main danger from the hostile states and non-states actors who are “trying to acquire different types of weapons”. In addition, the administration is demonstrating concerns about the activity of international terrorist organizations (jihadist), transnational criminal organizations, drug cartels and cybercrime. Different from previous similar documents, Trump’s Strategy makes an evident accent on economic security as an important part of national security. The task in that area is “to rebuild economic strength at home and preserve a fair and reciprocal international system.” In a rather confronting manner, the Strategy assesses the role of China and Russia in the international affairs. It underlines that between the main sets of challengers – “the revisionist powers of China and Russia and the rogue states of Iran and North Korea”, the United States will seek areas of cooperation with competitors but will do so from a position of strength. The Strategy pays great attention to restoring military capability of the US. It is stressed that military strength remains a vital component of the competition for influence. In a certain sense, the authors of the Strategy demonstrate a new approach to the role of diplomacy, and especially in regards to the tools of economic diplomacy, intended to protect the US “from abuse by illicit actors”. Pillar four of the Strategy outlines considerations for expanding US influence on a global scale and for supporting friendly partners. As stated in the Strategy, American assistance to developing countries should help promote national interests and vice versa. The US will use all means, including sanctions, to “isolate states and leaders that pose a threat to the American interests.” The Strategy pays much attention to the regional aspect of national security, and, from these positions, the situation in various parts of the world (the Indo-Pacific region, Europe, the Middle East, etc.) is assessed. The authors emphasize that changes in the balance of power at the world level can cause global consequences and threaten American interests and US security. On the contrary, “stability reduces the threats that Americans face at home.”


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 369-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabine Selchow

While it is Ulrich Beck’s concept of ‘risk society’ that has mostly attracted attention in the field of security studies, in this article I argue that if we want to take Beck seriously, we need to go beyond his ‘risk society’ thesis and acknowledge that his main thesis was that we live in a social reality that is qualitatively new and, consequently, calls for a radical shift in how we look at and talk about it. To bring Beck into security studies, then, means to study ‘security’ from within Beck’s ‘new world’. For that, I argue, a sharper conception of what characterizes that world is needed. At the heart of my article I provide such a conception – the ‘cosmopolitized world’ – which I identify as being shaped by non-linearity and the interplay of two moments: the ‘cosmopolitized reality’ and the ‘tradition of the national perspective’. Building on this concept and experimenting with it, I turn to reading the ‘US national security’ discourse as this is constructed in the text of the 2015 National Security Strategy from within this ‘cosmopolitized world’. Reflecting on this experiment, I conclude by highlighting the potential that bringing Beck in this way into security studies holds, as well as pointing to the need for future work on the vocabulary of the ‘cosmopolitized world’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 474-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Ettinger

Donald Trump’s 2017 National Security Strategy (NSS) promises to put “America first.” However, it is only a partial break from convention, and evinces a deep current of incoherence in Trump’s foreign policy. The NSS attempts to combine two incompatible worldviews into a single doctrine: the president’s “America First” nationalism and the seventy-year-old internationalist consensus among the US foreign policy establishment. Not only does it betray strategic dissonance, it portends an impossible working relationship between Trump’s insurgent nationalism and the traditionalism of the US foreign policy bureaucracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kgothatso Brucely Shai ◽  
Tholene Sodi ◽  
Rachidi R. Molapo

This qualitative article employs an Afrocentric perspective as an alternative theoretical and/or contextual lens to provide an overview of the national security challenges facing the United States of America (US) within the context of its engagement in Africa. It also demonstrates the reactions of the US to African security threats (real or imagined) to its national well-being. At the centre of the discussion of this article is the articulation of the main issues about the US National Security Strategy in relation to Africa. The objective is to unravel the myth that Africa is a threat to the US national security and the reality about its dismissed importance to US within the context of the current global discourse on security. In order to provide a wider context for understanding the security dimension of the US foreign policy as it relates to Africa and to foster epistemic justice, it is important to address this subject from the viewpoint of Africans and others whose fate is tied to this continent.  


Vojno delo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (8) ◽  
pp. 17-30
Author(s):  
Ranko Mačkić ◽  
Igor Barišić ◽  
Miroslav Talijan ◽  
Rade Slavković

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