Self-Determination and the Southern Cameroons’ Quest for Sovereign Statehood

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-308
Author(s):  
Carol Chi Ngang

In this article, I provide a historical narrative and legal analysis of the Southern Cameroons’ quest for sovereign statehood on the basis of the right to self-determination under international law, which grants entitlement to political independence and to socio-economic and cultural development. This account is motivated by the manner in which the question of self-determination for the Southern Cameroons has been dealt with since the times of decolonisation, resulting in yet another bloody conflict on the African continent. Contrary to the global commitment to secure universal peace and security and the adherence by member states of the African Union to human rights and a peaceful and secure Africa, the escalating conflict in the Southern Cameroons not only challenges these aspirations but has also generated a humanitarian emergency of enormous proportions. Because self-determination is guaranteed to apply unconditionally within the context of decolonisation, I post two important questions. First, why was the Southern Cameroons deprived of the right to sovereign statehood when other trust territories gained independence? Second, is the Southern Cameroons still entitled to assert sovereignty on the basis of the inalienable right to self-determination? In responding to these questions, I explain how self-determination for the Southern Cameroons was compromised and further provide justification for the legitimate quest to sovereign statehood.

Author(s):  
Vladislav V. Gruzdev ◽  
Dmitriy A. Babichev ◽  
Natal'ya A. Babicheva

The article is devoted to the burning problem that arose in 2014 in the Ukraine, in the regions of Lugansk and Donetsk, and that concerns the right of the people of Donbass to self-determination. This problem is not only of a local territorial nature, but it is also one of the most complex debatable problems of international law. Since the right to self-determination contradicts the principle of territorial integrity of the state, the consideration and solution of this issue is the most burning for the whole population living on the territory of the self-proclaimed people's republics of Lugansk and Donetsk. In the article, the authors analyse the concept of "self-determination of the people" and give a generalised characteristic of it, approving that it is the right of every nation to solve the issues of state structure, political status, economic, social and cultural development independently and at its own discretion. The author also examines the historical past of the people of Donbass, where, in terms of the Republic of Donetsk and Krivoy Rog and various documentary historical and legal materials, we come to the conclusion that the population of Donbass has the right to social, economic, cultural, spiritual and other development just as all the recognised countries of the world.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nathan Ross

<p>It is increasingly likely that, due to the impacts of climate change, entire populations of low-lying States – Tuvalu, Kiribati, the Marshall Islands and the Maldives – will need to relocate to other States' territories. Such en masse relocations would jeopardise these peoples' national identities and manifestations of their ways of life: cultures, languages, customs, and social, political and economic systems.  Legal writers analysing this topic focus mainly on maritime boundaries and statehood questions. This thesis examines the right to self-determination. The principal finding is that the peoples of low-lying States are entitled to enjoy self-determination in climate change-related relocation and that there are practical ways this can occur.  After explaining the factual scenario and the approach to this research, the analysis has four key components. First, it defines the right to self-determination in context of the low-lying States, including entitlements flowing from this collective right. The populations of low-lying States' are "peoples" entitled to self-determination, including in relocation. Self-determination comprises various elements, resembling a bundle of rights. A framework is devised for unpacking this bundle and understanding what self-determination entails. The framework divides the right into strategic and operational elements. The strategic elements are the right's objectives of peace and human rights, as well as its classic expressions; external and internal self-determination. The operational elements seek to secure the right's objectives through substantive and procedural entitlements. Substantive entitlements include the right of peoples to continuity of their States, to be different, to freely-determined political statuses, and to freely-pursued economic, social and cultural development. Procedural aspects include processes for determining the substantive elements, plus democratic governance, and some degree of autonomy from other political units.  The second major component of this thesis examines potential duty-bearers, and the nature of their duties. Low-lying States are the principal duty-bearers regarding their peoples' right to self-determination. Third-party States and the United Nations have relevant duties, but these are vague and do not anticipate proactive involvement in supporting low-lying peoples' endeavours to maintain self-determination ex situ. The duties become clearer for a third-party State that partners in a low-lying people's relocation, but there are no obligations to become such a partner.  The third part of the legal analysis re-examines the issue of whether statehood can be maintained without inhabitable territory, but in light of the self-determination analysis. There is a presumption of continuity of statehood in international law and it applies to low-lying States. There is no legal basis to argue that statehood would be terminated in this relocation scenario. The presumption of continuity is bolstered by self-determination, which gives the peoples of low-lying States exclusive competence to determine their political statuses. Prior analyses of statehood have focused on the Montevideo Convention indicia. However, these indicia only apply to the creation of States, not termination. Consequently, there is far-reaching flexibility for extant States to decide how, or whether, the indicia are satisfied.  Finally, options for enabling ex situ self-determination are presented concerning key questions of legal personality (since statehood is only one option), land and international frameworks. The final section also proposes ways of incorporating self-determination into the emerging human rights-based approach to climate change adaptation.</p>


1996 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
René Lefeber ◽  
David Raič

Let's assume, if only for the sake of argument, that the Chechen people have the right to self-determination. Since the massive indiscriminate use of military force by Russia in December 1994, it is arguable that the Chechen people's right to internal self-determination has evolved into a right to external self-determination, i.e., into a right to secede from Russia. This is a reasonable assumption as we, as well as others, have pointed out on several occasions. However, the legal analysis has not been taken beyond this point. In this editorial, the legal consequences of the lawful exercise of the right to external self-determination by the Chechen people will be explored, albeit tentatively.


Author(s):  
James Summers

The right of peoples to self-determination is their right to freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. It has a central position in international law as a primary principle in the creation and destruction of states. It features in Article 1 of the UN Charter (1945) as one of the purposes of the organization. It is positioned as the first right in the twin Human Rights Covenants (the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [ICCPR] and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [ICESCR]). Many commentators argue for its peremptory or jus cogens status. Nonetheless, despite a general description in international instruments about what this right might allow peoples to do, the right itself has no exact definition (it is, after all, self-determined) and its subject, the “people,” has famously escaped legal formulation. These ambiguities provide plenty of fuel for academic writing. Engaging with the extensive literature on self-determination can be a monumental task, and this survey is necessarily no more than the tip of the iceberg of the total works available. The omission of particular titles here reflects on space requirements, not on their quality. The academic coverage of self-determination is enormous and growing energetically. Moreover, it is spread across a range of disciplines, not only law but also the study of nationalism and ethnic conflict in the political and social sciences, as well as history and philosophy. This is not to mention the overlapping issues of minority rights and indigenous peoples’ rights, which are covered in separate entries. A well-informed approach to the right of self-determination will require a wider reading than the primarily legal publications listed here, and it is recommended that researchers familiarize themselves with nationalism, liberalism, and the historical context of the right. The right of self-determination, rather like a magician, relies on perceptions and assumptions that a good analysis needs to be able to see through. The right is also linked with fast-changing events, and a good way to keep up with current developments is through websites like ASIL Insights or EJIL: Talk!.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nathan Ross

<p>It is increasingly likely that, due to the impacts of climate change, entire populations of low-lying States – Tuvalu, Kiribati, the Marshall Islands and the Maldives – will need to relocate to other States' territories. Such en masse relocations would jeopardise these peoples' national identities and manifestations of their ways of life: cultures, languages, customs, and social, political and economic systems.  Legal writers analysing this topic focus mainly on maritime boundaries and statehood questions. This thesis examines the right to self-determination. The principal finding is that the peoples of low-lying States are entitled to enjoy self-determination in climate change-related relocation and that there are practical ways this can occur.  After explaining the factual scenario and the approach to this research, the analysis has four key components. First, it defines the right to self-determination in context of the low-lying States, including entitlements flowing from this collective right. The populations of low-lying States' are "peoples" entitled to self-determination, including in relocation. Self-determination comprises various elements, resembling a bundle of rights. A framework is devised for unpacking this bundle and understanding what self-determination entails. The framework divides the right into strategic and operational elements. The strategic elements are the right's objectives of peace and human rights, as well as its classic expressions; external and internal self-determination. The operational elements seek to secure the right's objectives through substantive and procedural entitlements. Substantive entitlements include the right of peoples to continuity of their States, to be different, to freely-determined political statuses, and to freely-pursued economic, social and cultural development. Procedural aspects include processes for determining the substantive elements, plus democratic governance, and some degree of autonomy from other political units.  The second major component of this thesis examines potential duty-bearers, and the nature of their duties. Low-lying States are the principal duty-bearers regarding their peoples' right to self-determination. Third-party States and the United Nations have relevant duties, but these are vague and do not anticipate proactive involvement in supporting low-lying peoples' endeavours to maintain self-determination ex situ. The duties become clearer for a third-party State that partners in a low-lying people's relocation, but there are no obligations to become such a partner.  The third part of the legal analysis re-examines the issue of whether statehood can be maintained without inhabitable territory, but in light of the self-determination analysis. There is a presumption of continuity of statehood in international law and it applies to low-lying States. There is no legal basis to argue that statehood would be terminated in this relocation scenario. The presumption of continuity is bolstered by self-determination, which gives the peoples of low-lying States exclusive competence to determine their political statuses. Prior analyses of statehood have focused on the Montevideo Convention indicia. However, these indicia only apply to the creation of States, not termination. Consequently, there is far-reaching flexibility for extant States to decide how, or whether, the indicia are satisfied.  Finally, options for enabling ex situ self-determination are presented concerning key questions of legal personality (since statehood is only one option), land and international frameworks. The final section also proposes ways of incorporating self-determination into the emerging human rights-based approach to climate change adaptation.</p>


1997 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-197 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractDuring the 20th century self-determination has become one of the most important principles of international law and one of the most prominent rights on the basis of which (all) peoples can decide freely on their political status and their economic, social and cultural development (Article 1 common to the 1966 ICCPR and ICESCR).Whereas the idea of self-determination is envisaged as an advanced concept aimed at the liberation of peoples under foreign domination in the process of de-colonisation, today's situation and reality call for its reconsideration and adequate clarification with respect to the issues of who is entitled to the right of self-determination and in which forms and to which extent it can be exercised if seen from the aspect of the impact which its exercise might have on the integrity of states. This call is strengthened by the fact that all contemporary states have certain complexity with respect to their national/ethnic/religious/linguistic or racial composition. One of the basic problems in the application of the right of self-determination is created by the fact that there are no definitions in international law on the concepts of various groups. There is no clear answer on what are peoples who are entitled to the right of self-determination, nor is there an accepted definition for other groups which are politically relevant, like indigenous peoples and/or minorities. This may cause serious difficulties since such a lack of clarity provides conditions for persistent claims on the part of groups other than peoples on the right of self-determination, which sometimes threatens territorial integrity of states.


Author(s):  
Jérémie Gilbert

The issue of sovereignty over natural resources has been a key element in the development of international law, notably leading to the emergence of the principle of States’ permanent sovereignty over their natural resources. However, concomitant to this focus on States’ sovereignty, international human rights law proclaims the right of peoples to self-determination over their natural resources. This has led to a complex and ambivalent relationship between the principle of States’ sovereignty over natural resources and peoples’ rights to natural resources. This chapter analyses this conflicting relationship and examines the emergence of the right of peoples to freely dispose of their natural resources and evaluates its potential role in contemporary advocacy. It notably explores how indigenous peoples have called for the revival of their right to sovereignty over natural resources, and how the global peasants’ movement has pushed for the recognition of the concept of food sovereignty.


2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-26
Author(s):  
Johannes Socher

As a concept of international law, the right to self-determination is widely renowned for its unclarity. Broadly speaking, one can differentiate between a liberal and a nationalist tradition. In modern international law, the balance between these two opposing traditions is sought in an attempt to contain or ‘domesticate’ the nationalist conception by limiting it to ‘abnormal’ situations, i.e. to colonialism in the sense of ‘alien subjugation, domination and exploitation’. Essentially, this distinction between ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ situations has since been the heart of the matter in the legal discourse on the right to self-determination, with the important qualification regarding the need to preserve existing borders. This study situates Russia’s approach to the right to self- determination in that discourse by way of a regional comparison vis-à-vis a ‘western’ or European perspective, and a temporal comparison with the former Soviet doctrine of international law. Against the background of the Soviet Union’s role in the evolution of the right to self-determination, the bulk of the study analyses Russia’s relevant state practice in the post-Soviet space through the prisms of sovereignty, secession, and annexation. Complemented by a review of the Russian scholarship on the topic, it is suggested that Russia’s approach to the right to self-determination may be best understood not only in terms of power politics disguised as legal rhetoric, but can be seen as evidence of traits of a regional (re-)fragmentation of international law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 156-162
Author(s):  
Andriy Samko ◽  
◽  
Dmуtrо Pilipenko ◽  

The article analyzes the peculiarities of applying a measure of procedural coercion in the form of detention in the criminal procedural legislation of the Republic of Belarus, as well as in the criminal process of Ukraine and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The positions of scientists in the field of criminal procedure, who conducted research on this issue, are analyzed. The key positions of the proceduralists regarding the basic regulatory aspects of the application of a preventive measure in the form of detention are considered. Attention is focused on the fundamental provisions of the functioning of the system of procedural compulsion and the application of a preventive measure in the form of detention in custody in particular. The analysis of the positions of the legislators of the Republic of Belarus, the Republic of Kazakhstan and Ukraine regarding the issue of normative regulation of the procedure for applying a measure of procedural coercion in the form of detention is carried out. The authors of the article emphasize the key aspect of the preventive measure in the form of detention in the form of its extraordinary impact on the observance of human and civil rights and freedoms in criminal proceedings. This circumstance is especially relevant in respect of the right of participants in criminal proceedings to freedom and personal inviolability. In this regard, theoretical concepts are considered and the content of international law on this issue is analyzed. The practical feasibility and normative possibility of using other, more humane methods of influencing suspects accused in criminal proceedings are analyzed. The article focuses on the normative procedure for the application of bail as an alternative procedural measure of isolating a person during detention in the legislation of the above states. The article analyzes the procedural features of the normative regulation of the use of pledge in the legislation of Ukraine and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The author's position on these issues, as well as proposals for optimizing the criminal procedural legislation of the Republic of Belarus regarding the regulation of the use of detention are formulated.


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