Argentina: Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dolores Tierney
Keyword(s):  
Introductory Section ◽  
Transnational Media ◽  
Neoliberal Reforms ◽  
Media Conglomerates ◽  
The Government ◽  
Independent Filmmaking ◽  
New Argentine Cinema

This introductory section and its account of the significant changes in Argentine filmmaking in the last twenty five years acts as a platform to the director-centred analyses of Juan José Campanella’s films in Chapter 6. It situates Campanella and his filmmaking practice as typical of one vector of Argentina’s changed filmmaking landscape (the ‘industry auteurs’ produced through the neoliberal reforms to the industry in the 1990s and fostered by transnational media conglomerates) but also addresses the vibrant independent filmmaking movement (the New Argentine Cinema) also a by- product of the 1990s reforms and fostered by the government and transnational funding bodies.

Brazil: Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dolores Tierney
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Introductory Section ◽  
Transnational Media ◽  
Brazilian Cinema ◽  
Local Media ◽  
Media Conglomerates

This introductory section acts as a platform to Chapters 4 and 5 which explore the films of the transnational auteurs Fernando Meirelles’ and Walter Salles. It offers an account of the resurgence (retomada) of Brazilian cinema post the 1990 closure of the state run enterprise Embrafilme. The section centres around Meirelles and Salles as exemplary producers (02Filmes, Videofilmes) of, as well as primary participants in the retomada and in the global shifts in media strategies as they have occurred in Brazil. It focuses on the state’s fiscal measures designed to foment filmmaking and the state’s (re-configured) involvement in the industry and also on the strategies (convergence, local exceptionality) of MPA, transnational media conglomerates and local media (Rede Globo) which have reinvigorated and renewed some filmmaking (‘blockbuster brasileiro’) in Brazil.

Bulgaria’s supine media are unlikely to change

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
Second Year ◽  
Media Conglomerates ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chief Prosecutor

Significance This ranking for the second year in a row caused consternation and furious debate among prominent Bulgarian journalists, but barely registered with the government in Sofia; the public seems transfixed by ongoing government scandals and the burden of over two months of tough COVID-19 lockdown. Impacts The pandemic has shifted attention away from media deficiencies, both domestically and among Bulgaria’s EU and NATO partners. Scandals and infighting have weakened the Borisov government against other parts of the establishment and well-entrenched media interests. Chief Prosecutor Ivan Geshev’s activist prosecution service has avoided challenging media conglomerates, and this is unlikely to change.

scholarly journals Evaluation of Media Policies in Order To Protect Local Film Community

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 14012
Author(s):  
Lintang Ratri Rahmiaji ◽  
Muh. Bayu Widagdo
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Film Industry ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Discussion Forum ◽  
Independent Film ◽  
The Government ◽  
Independent Filmmaking

Based on Film Law (2008), the Government is obliged to promote the national film industry. But in reality, independent film industry in the local district needs more attention. The research purpose is to examine the role of local government in developing the film community and alternative screening spaces. This study uses a qualitative approach with explorative analysis, to map power relations between government, independent arts institutions, and independent film community. As results, there is a knowledge gap about the role, obligation and duties of local government, between central government, local government, local art council, indies film communities and society, in efforts to encourage the growing of film communities. Local Art Council doesn’t cover all of the film communities and tends to giving attention only for their members. All stakeholders in the development of indie films are not synergy which then becomes counterproductive to the existence of indies movie community. To address this gap, a discussion forum is needed to find the best solution to resolve the issue of independent filmmaking in the region.

Conclusion

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Tapias
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Suffering ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Economic Relationships ◽  
Neoliberal Reforms ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Working Class Women ◽  
Political Economic

This book has investigated how Bolivian market and working class women suffered from emotional distress wrought by the social and economic changes of the 1990s due to neoliberal reforms. Focusing on the stories of women in Punata, it has shown how neoliberalism and its moral dimensions transformed bodies into new sites of consumption, desire, and aspiration, which must contend with the social mores that piece together sociality. The findings of this book add to the scholarship on emotions, embodiment, and social suffering in the Andes by highlighting the ways in which intimate narratives of market and working-class women are intrinsically linked to broader national and transnational political economic relationships. This conclusion takes a look at multiple attitudes toward the government of Evo Morales, who promised to dismantle Bolivia's neoliberal agenda after winning the presidential election in December 2005. It also reflects on how emotions constitute a fruitful site from which to examine the effects of globalization and the role they play in reconfiguring social relations.

scholarly journals The Moderation of Frente Farabundo Martí Para La Liberación Nacional’s Economic Orientation in El Salvador, 2009-2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 338
Author(s):  
Petrus Putut Pradhopo Wening
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Structural Power ◽  
Neoliberal Reforms ◽  
Economic Dependency ◽  
Policy Adjustment ◽  
Historical Dynamics ◽  
The Government

Frente Farabundo Martí Para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was a Marxist guerrilla group, known for its activities in the 1980s and 1990s to seize El Salvador’s government through war. Post-peace accords, FMLN transformed into an electoral political party and successfully won to lead the government of El Salvador in 2009-2019, but then they compromised their economic policies to suit neoliberalism. This article uses Gill and Law’s conceptualisation of the theory of direct and structural power of capital to explain the causes of FMLN’s neoliberalism-compromising economic policy adjustment in 2009-2019. This article finds that El Salvador’s social and political-economy historical dynamics, which were dominated by the bourgeoisie class since Spain’s colonisation, strengthened transnational capitalists and enabled them to directly penetrate El Salvador’s economy by forming and intervening in political parties, along with dominating the bureaucracy. The combination of these factors caused transnational capitalists to encourage neoliberal reforms which supported the development of the structural power: deindustrialisation, deagrarianisation, and decapitalisation; El Salvador’s economic dependency; dollarisation; and the hegemony of neoliberalism discourses. This article argues that FMLN regime’s economic moderation is caused by the El Salvador bourgeoisies’ strengthened position after neoliberal reforms, allowing them to determine FMLN’s policies through their direct and structural power.

The Education of Research Psychologists in Sweden

2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Knut Larsson ◽  
Josef Frischer
Keyword(s):  
Social Science ◽  
Doctoral Students ◽  
Doctoral Programs ◽  
Science Department ◽  
Research Education ◽  
The Core ◽  
Social Science Department ◽  
Learning Alliance ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
The Government

The education of researchers in Sweden is regulated by a nationwide reform implemented in 1969, which intended to limit doctoral programs to 4 years without diminishing quality. In an audit performed by the government in 1996, however, it was concluded that the reform had failed. Some 80% of the doctoral students admitted had dropped out, and only 1% finished their PhD degree within the stipulated 4 years. In an attempt to determine the causes of this situation, we singled out a social-science department at a major Swedish university and interviewed those doctoral students who had dropped out of the program. This department was found to be representative of the nationwide figures found in the audit. The students interviewed had all completed at least 50% of their PhD studies and had declared themselves as dropouts from this department. We conclude that the entire research education was characterized by a laissez-faire attitude where supervisors were nominated but abdicated. To correct this situation, we suggest that a learning alliance should be established between the supervisor and the student. At the core of the learning alliance is the notion of mutually forming a platform form which work can emerge in common collaboration. The learning alliance implies a contract for work, stating its goals, the tasks to reach these goals, and the interpersonal bonding needed to give force and endurance to the endeavor. Constant scrutiny of this contract and a mutual concern for the learning alliance alone can contribute to its strength.

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