ASEAN Way: Managing Expectation in the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea

ASEAN WAY: MANAGING EXPECTATION IN THE CODE OF CONDUCT FOR THE SOUTH CHINA SEA Naifa Rizani Lardo Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Indonesia,S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) Singapore Email: [email protected]: 5 October 2021; accepted: 13 November 2021 AbstrakLandasan pesimistis proses ASEAN Way seringkali menurunkan kredibiltas dari peran Perhimpunan Bangsa-Bangsa Asia Tenggara (ASEAN) dalam menangani sengketa di Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS). Justifikasi tersebut disikapi melalui konsep power balance yang mendiskreditkan struktur norma institusionalisme dalam ASEAN Way. Hal ini mendorong rangkaian diskusi terkait kinerja ASEAN melalui prinsip ASEAN Way dalam proses Code of Conduct for the South China Sea (COC for SCS) yang membuka ruang ekspektasi untuk meningkatkan peran keamanan regionalnya. Melalui permasalahan ini, artikel ini menyuguhkan pandangan peran kemanan regional ASEAN di proses sengketa LTS dengan merumuskan pertanyaan “Apa yang bisa diharapkan dari norma ASEAN Way dalam proses COC for SCS?” Dengan menggunakan pendekatan norma institutionalisme dalam proses perumusan COC, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa ASEAN Way tidak dibentuk sebagai solusi penyelesaian konflik LTS, melainkan sebagai penyokong bentuk kerja sama pertahanan dengan asas fleksibel bagi partisipan konflik di isu LTS. Adapun, kontribusi ASEAN Way dalam COC for SCS terjabarkan dengan memberikan ruang fleksibilitas bagi pemangku kepentingan untuk berdialog secara damai di luar ketidakseimbangan kekuatan yang terjadi dari proses COC. Hal ini dengan proses yang fleksibel dalam membawa Tiongkok dan pemangku kepentingan terkait lainnya menuju kerja sama keamanan kooperatif yang dapat memenuhi kepentingan bersama dalam perdamaian di kawasan Asia Tenggara. Pendekatan norma institusionalisme ini juga menunjukkan limitasi-limitasi dari kemampuan ASEAN yang dapat membatasi ekspektasi dari perumusan COC for SCS ke penyelesaian sengketa di LTS. Kata kunci:ASEAN, Laut Tiongkok Selatan, Code of Conduct, Tiongkok, ASEAN Way AbstractPessimistic perspectives on the ASEAN Way process frequently undermine the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. These justifications are addressed through the notion of power balance, which undermines the norm institutionalism framework that underlines the ASEAN Way’s foundation. This droves various conversations on ASEAN capabilities ahead of the ASEAN Way principle throughout the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea (COC for SCS) process, which questioned its expectations as a regional security body. This article offers insight on ASEAN’s regional security role in the SCS dispute peace process, guided by the question “What to expect from ASEAN Way in the process of COC for SCS?” Instead of following the power balance approach, this article suggests a norm-based institutionalism perspective through ASEAN Way to the COC process. The ASEAN Way was developed to facilitate security cooperation under flexible participation among relevant parties involved in the conflict. The ASEAN Way on COC for SCS contributes by allowing relevant actors to engage in peaceful dialogue despite the power imbalance that existed on the disputed sea. This flexible participation offered by ASEAN can deliver cooperative security to the Southeast Asia region in the interest of peace. Nonetheless, norm institutionalism also revealed limitations in ASEAN capability that impede the expectation of the formulation of COC for SCS to the resolution of SCS disputes.

Transnational Corporations and Human Rights

International trade has introduced many features in its classical or contemporary practice wherein peoples respectfully exchanged goods and ideas. Unfortunately, the legacy of large multinational corporations, concerning human rights, has generally been dismal. It is recognised that states are the primary bearers of responsibility to respect, protect, fulfill, and promote human rights and freedoms. Current developments in the field of international human rights law, however, designated transnational corporations (hereafter TNCs), organisations, and individuals in a diagonal and/or horizontal responsibility on the respect and protection of human rights. The need to make these non-state actors, especially TNCs, responsible under international law is originated from their ever-increasing influence on state actors and their impact on the individuals’ enjoyment of their social, political, and economic rights. This article deals with the multidimensional influence of TNCs on the respect, protection, and fulfilment of fundamental human rights and demonstrates the possibilities of building legal obligation over them by reviewing existing literature.

The Roles of WHO in Handling Yemen Humanitarian Crisis during the COVID-19 Pandemic

Yemen is noted to have the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. This condition is due to the civil war for the past six years, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, which emerged as a health security threat. This research aims to analyse the WHO’s role in responding health crisis in Yemen. By using qualitative methods and literature review approach, this article uses Atlas.ti to collect data regarding WHO’s activity in Yemen throughout the pandemic analysed by the international organisation’s role concept according to Clive Archer. The health security concept is also used to explain the health situation in Yemen during the pandemic. This research found accordance between WHO’s activities with Clive Archer’s idea of roles, mainly on its role as an independent actor to combat the health crisis in Yemen. However, the three roles are intertwined. As WHO has emphasised the importance of international aid to overcome Yemen’s health emergency, the writer recommends strengthening global solidarity with Yemen’s authority to improve health within the country.

The Dao in China's Growing Presence in the South Pacific

The rise of China as one of the great powers in the international politic has been the hottest topic in the 21st century. Following the economic reform led by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China re-emerges stronger than ever with its influences covering major parts of the world. One region particularly stands out since the prior dominance of United States therein, the South Pacific. The study of this research will be limited to 10 PICs recognising China, Vanuatu, Cook Island, FSM, Fiji, Niuee, PNG, Samoa, Tonga, Solomon Islands and Kiribati. Under the Western International Relations Theory (IRT) however, the rise of China is always seen in a rather malign manner. This research, therefore, contends that in order to fully understand China’s behaviour in the international community, we need to know how China perceives itself. By applying one of the most famous Chinese traditional school of thought, Daoism, this research aims to examine the strategy used in the expansion of China’s influence in the South Pacific. Daoism is symbolised with yin and yang, where the two elements are contradictory, yet they complement each other. Under the Dao dialectics, this research argues that China has been utilising a combination of two contradictory elements of power—soft and hard power—in expanding its prominence in the South Pacific region.

Muslim Community in the Atmosphere of Populism in Norway

In the European nations, there has been a lot of discussions and arguments regarding the community who have a ‘migration background’. Migrants nowadays are more capable of competing against local residents in terms of looking for better employment and participating in the political activities in European countries. Consequently, it creates fear within ‘mainstream’ society since it is presumably able to threaten their way of life. This interesting moment can benefit the populist political parties for gaining voices from the majority population. But, in the aftermath of 22/7 terror attacks in Norway, it also created tension between locals and those who are considered having a ‘migration background’. The people who have migration background, especially Muslim community, already has long history of migration to Norway. Therefore, the research question is how the Muslim community adapt to the situation of populism in Norway. By using historical literatures and research articles regarding the aftermath of 22/7 terror attack, it shows that the intersectional approach is useful to see the intermingled aspects of class, identity, religion, nationality, gender, and ethnicity of marginalised communities. These migrants now are facing multiple discriminations. Protests in the public sphere as a way of adapting to the atmosphere of populism are considered as their struggles for citizenship since the government seems to fail at managing multicultural society, especially advocating the minority groups. This kind of situation is common in the era of populism emerging in many countries targeting minority groups as political manoeuvre in order to gain voices among the ‘common’ society.

Cave! Hic Dragones: Understanding Neocolonialism in China’s Economic Diplomacy towards Angola

China is experiencing a fast and dynamic phase of economic development driven by its fast pace of industrialisation. The vast energy demand has pushed China to import energy from other countries with plentiful natural resources. To this aim, China conducts economic diplomacy worldwide, including Angola, a country with plentiful natural resources in Africa. The main concern of this research is China's economic diplomacy which is considered as a form of neocolonialism in this globalisation era. Therefore, the research question of this research is why China's economic diplomacy towards Angola constitutes neocolonialisation. To this aim, this study utilises the Neocolonialism theory in dissecting China's Economic Diplomacy against Angola. This study uses qualitative method with a case study approach using secondary data. Thus, the basis for this research is the author's interpretation. This research concludes that China's economic diplomacy towards Angola constitutes neocolonialisation since the economic means that China exerts on Angola enables China to indirectly control Angola's politics, economy and natural resources, which in turn leads to Angola's dependence on China.

Mengusik Tidur Berjalan Umat Manusia: Menambang Energi dalam Jerat Multi-Dimensi

In The Long Emergency, James Howard Kunstler brings up tremendous arguments on what and how the civilization of mankind will face in the future if it still persists to continue to rely on the rapidly diminishing supply of fossil fuel. In his stance, the writer explains that energy problem is something more than meets the eye; it has greater impact upon the world in a way so common—yet unimaginable, beyond the old and traditional comprehension. In his multi-dimensional scope, Kunstler will take the readers off for a journey in exploring how terrible can the future of oil consuming-mankind be.

Peran NGO dalam Dinamika Isu Perubahan Iklim di Afrika

Climate change has become one of the most challenging issues for the international system in this 21st century because its negative impact has been founded in every regions in the world. One of those is Africa with its far-lagged behind and poorer performance in political, economic, and social sectors than any other parts of the world. This article tries to analyze the ongoing process of the creation of good governance in Africa's climate change dynamics. In Africa, the progress of civil society activism is predicted to be more important factor than the policy outcome from its government in making good governance. In this context, the rise of civil society should be better understood as being an equal partner than a competitor to the policy-makers to have more intensive cooperation and collaboration to solve the urgent climate problems in Africa at present.

Negara dan Permasalahan State Building di Abad XXI

In this book, Francis Fukuyama delivers his arguments concering the issue about the lack of "organizational tradition" in several "failed" or "weak" states, which in turns becomes the greatest threat to the contemporary world order. Fukuyama argues that the United States, and the West in general, after rightly intervening in such states either militarily or economically (most often through institutions like IMF or World Bank), have failed to transfer institutional and public- and private- sector capability to them. Although their objective is to "create self-sustaining state institutions that can survive the withdrawal of outside intervention," the developed world has met its failure, setting people of the developing countries up for "large disappointments." For much of the last half-century, the trend has been to weaken the state. Now, the evidence suggests that a new approach is required, one that goes beyond simply shrinking or enlarging the state, and begins to deal with enabling the state to be more effective based on local conditions. Fukuyama suggests that the answer lies in providing states with internal organizational structure and, above all, a culture that enables strong leaders and government institutions to enforce capitalist and free-market values. While some basic outcomes are to be expected, the way each nation gets there will be different.

Between Boots and Boats: Indonesia's Stunted Naval Modernization

Indonesia memiliki latar belakang sejarah maritim yang panjang. Apalagi, bentuk negara kepulauan mendorong Indonesia memiliki kepentingan dan perhatian luas terhadap pemanfaatan laut. Namun, baik sejarah, kepentingan maupun perhatian tersebut belum mampu mendorong Indonesia untuk membangun kekuatan angkatan laut yang tangguh di era modern. Melainkan, perdebatan masih seputar antara "sepatu" atau angkatan darat, dengan "perahu" atau angkatan laut, dalam prioritas pembangunan angkatan bersenjata. Dalam konteks ini, permasalahan utama terletak pada kebijakan pertahanan yang terlalu berpemikiran kontinental dan terlalu terpolitisasi. Kedua masalah ini tidak hanya mencegah Indonesia untuk menjadi kekuatan maritim yang tangguh, tetapi juga secara khusus telah menghambat proses modernisasi angkatan laut sejak masa Orde Lama.