scholarly journals Raising an Athlete for Christ: Saint John Chrysostom and Education in Byzantium

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 105-118
Author(s):  
Theodore Michael Christou

This article examines the homily titled Address on Vainglory, and the Right Way for Parents to Bring up their Children, concentrating upon the educational vision it expresses.  The text is attributed to John Chrysostom, Christian saint and fourth century Patriarch of Constantinople.  Uncertainty regarding the manuscript’s authenticity led to the exclusion of “Address on Vainglory” from most collections of John Chrysostom’s writings, which had seminal influence in a context when the church was united, and the homily has consequently received very limited attention.  Chrysostom earned the epithet "The Golden Mouthed” primarily by virtue of his training in rhetoric and his ability to translate the classical sources that he read into his own, Christian, context.  He argues that education must not only cultivate all the faculties of the student’s mind, but also prepare the child to live and act ethically in the world.  Chrysostom reconfigures this argument using the striking imagery of an Athlete for Christ, who cultivated not only the faculties of his mind, but also exercised those of the soul.

Vox Patrum ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 225-245
Author(s):  
Sylwia Kaczmarek

Chrysostom`s Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles bring a vision for the Church that induced some scholars to think of his communist ideology. Other un­derline his pure stoic principles. Is it really so? The analysis of Homily 7, in which Saint John Chrysostom speaks about the Christian community in Jerusalem, shows that there is something more than the only economy that leads people to become brothers. There is something more than the only perfection of virtues that one should desire. There is also something more than the only demagogic influence of preacher that create the Christian community from the sinners who have crucified Christ. People have their role to play, but there is also someone else who makes the community grow.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
Искра [Iskra] Христова-Шомова [Khristova-Shomova]

Celestial symposium: Commentaries to the Book of Job 1:6 in the Byzantine and Slavic traditionsJob 1:6 is one of several places in the Bible where God’s sons (celestial beings) are men­tioned: “One day the sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, and Satan also came among them.” Numerous commentaries of the Church Fathers were included in the Greek catena to the Book of Job. Some of these were not written specially as commentaries to this passage but are extracts from works commenting the nature of the angels, their place in God’s providence and their role in human life. The author then goes on to discuss the two Slavic translations that were made of the catena. The first one comprises the majority of the texts included in the Greek catena, while the second one contains only two small passages from commentaries of Saint John Chrysostom and Olympiodoros. The article provides a comparison between Slavic texts, which were translated from Greek in the Balkans at the same time: in the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century. Several miniatures from medieval Greek manuscripts, which illustrate the Celestial symposium, are represented at the end of the article. Niebiańskie sympozjum. Komentarze do Księgi Hioba (1, 6) w bizantyńskiej i słowiańskiej tradycjiWerset 1,6 Księgi Hioba jest jednym z wielu miejsc w Biblii, w którym wspomina się synów Bożych: „Zdarzyło się pewnego dnia, gdy synowie Boży udawali się, by stanąć przed Panem, że i szatan też poszedł z nimi”. Ogromna liczba komentarzy Ojców Kościoła do Księgi Hioba została zawarta w greckiej katenie. Niektóre z nich nie zostały napisane jako bezpo­średni komentarz do tego wersetu, lecz są wypisami z prac autorów, komentującymi naturę aniołów, ich miejsce w Bożej opatrzności, a także rolę w życiu ludzkim. Ponadto istniały dwa słowiańskie przekłady kateny. Pierwszy zawierał większość tekstów pochodzących z greckiej kateny, a drugi składał się zaledwie z dwóch passusów, będących wyimkami z komentarzy św. Jana Chryzostoma i Olimpiododrosa.W artykule porównano teksty słowiańskie, które zostały przetłumaczone z języka greckiego na Bałkanach w tym samym czasie: pod koniec wieku XIV lub na początku XV. W artykule przedstawiono również kilka miniatur pochodzących ze średniowiecznych greckich rękopisów, przedstawiających niebiańskie sympozjum.


1955 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Waldram Kemp

At the end of the fourth century a theory is found in the works of several writers to the effect that the episcopate and the presbyterate are essentially one order, differentiated only by the presiding function of the bishop and the reservation to him of the right of ordination. In the East this view is expressed in the homilies of St. John Chrysostom on I Timothy where he says:‘Discoursing of bishops, and having described their character, and the qualities which they ought to possess, and having passed over the order of presbyters, he proceeds to that of deacons. The reason of this omission was, that between presbyters and bishops there was no great difference. Both had undertaken the office of teachers and presidents in the Church, and what he has said concerning bishops is applicable to presbyters. For they are only superior in having the power of ordination, and seem to have no other advantage over presbyters.’


2011 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Pak-Wah Lai

By the time Augustine read the Life of Antony in 386, the biography had already become an international best seller in the Roman Empire. Translated twice into Latin and read in places as far off as Milan and Syrian Antioch, the Egyptian Life also proved to be a significant influence upon hagiographical writing in the late fourth century, the most notable example being the Lives of St Jerome. Consequently, scholars have often taken it to represent the dominant paradigm for sainthood in fourth-century Christianity and the centuries that followed. But is this assumption tenable? The Life of Antony would in all likelihood be read only by the educated elite or by ascetic circles in the Church, and was hardly accessible to the ordinary Christian. More importantly, hagiographical discourse in the fourth century was not restricted to biographies, but pervaded all sorts of Christian literature. This is certainly the case with the writings of St John Chrysostom (c. 349—407), who often presents the Christian monk as a saintly figure in his monastic treatises and his voluminous homilies. Indeed, what emerges from his writings is a paradigmatic saint who is significantly different from that portrayed in the biographies, and yet equally influential among his lay and ascetic audiences. To be sure, Chrysostom’s monastic portraits share some common features with that provided by Athanasius’s Life. Nevertheless, there are also stark differences between the two, and these are the focus of this paper.


Traditio ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas P. Halton

Montfaucon's edition of St. John Chrysostom and Migne's Patrologia after him put among the dubia six sermons De fato et providentia (Πεϱὶ εἱμαϱμένης τε ϰαὶ πϱονοίας). In the Admonitio we read: ‘Et vero cum de fato Chrysostomus disserit, alio orationis utitur modo: unde forte nascatur quaedam νοθείας suspicio.’ Henry Savile, in his edition (1612), rejected the view of Fronton du Duc, who had written of these orations: ‘Videntur concionum a Chrysostomo habitarum ἀπανθίσματα potius et florilegia, seu morales digressiones, quam integrae homiliae: necdum tamen areolae et loca unde sunt decerptae, nobis occurrerunt.’ Savile's rejection reads: ‘Non assentior Frontoni Ducaeo has πεϱί πϱονοίας orationes ἀπανθίσματα esse: neque enim memini ea quae hic afferuntur alibi apud hunc nostrum legisse eodem modo dicta.’


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 303-315
Author(s):  
Chris L. de Wet

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to examine John Chrysostom’s view of Paul as founder of churches. The article is written in dialogue with the research done by James Hanges on Paul as a founder-figure. The study argues that by the fourth century, especially in the works of Chrysostom, we a have a vision of Paul as founder ofthechurch that has become interwoven with the very substance of the (orthodox) church’s subjectivity – a very different dynamic that was present in the first two centuries at least. Being a Christian, being part of the church, for Chrysostom, also means embodying something of the subjectivity of Paul. Paul was more than a hermeneutical bridge between the Old and the New Testament. Paul and Paulinomorphism became the very language of ecclesiastical power, a rhetoric with an impetus on correction, discipline and social protection. The fourth-century Chrysostomic reconstruction of Paul, the founder of churches andthechurch, operated as a central discursive formation in the reproduction of Christian identity. The appellations of Paul as builder, physician and father formed part of an interconnected web of power-language with the capacity to ramify group boundaries and also to pathologize heretical groups. The power-language of Paul also sustained orthodox Christian identity in its curative and corrective measures.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 275-288
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Sordyl

In the Church of the first centuries some Fathers of the Church used the Apocrypha. But, the general tendency, which we can notice in the fourth century theology, is resignation from using them. It was connected, among other things, with creating the biblical canon. In Priscillian’s opinion, it is allowed to use the Apocrypha. The bishop of Avila propagating the right to use them contributed to spreading them, especial­ly in Spain and Mediterranean Gaul. Priscillian was favourable to these texts, but careful, and so were some of the Fathers of the Church. In spite of it, it was reading the Apocrypha that contributed to accusing him of Manichaeism and Gnosticism. Mani and his followers also took advantage of the Apocrypha using novel extracts in which a fight for purity dominates and characters’ indomitabi­lity is shown. The anti-Priscillian literature unanimously condemned reading the Apocrypha by Priscillianists. The synod in Toledo does it as well as the first synod in Braga, the popes Innocent I and Leon the Great and the writers Augustinian, Orosius, Turibius. The Priscillianists refering to the Apocrypha created sabellian conception of the Holy Trinity. Various texts presumably edited by the Priscillianists (Monarchiani Prologues, The Revelation of St. Thomas, Pseudo-Titus Letter) contain references to the Apocrypha. It should be noticed that the Priscillianist exegetic principle was to explain canon books by means of other texts. Besides, D. de Bruyne pre­sents the Apocrypha ascribed to the Priscillianists; this collection comprises the following texts: Collectio de diversis sententiis, Apocalypsis, Sermo S. Augustini Episcopi, Homilia de die iudicii, De parabolis Salomonis, Liber ,,canon in Ebreica” Hieronymi presbyteri. He also made an attempt to establish a probable list of the Apocrypha which the Priscillian community might have used.


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