scholarly journals Небесният симпозиум. Коментарите към Йов 1:6 във византийската и славянската традиция

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
Искра [Iskra] Христова-Шомова [Khristova-Shomova]

Celestial symposium: Commentaries to the Book of Job 1:6 in the Byzantine and Slavic traditionsJob 1:6 is one of several places in the Bible where God’s sons (celestial beings) are men­tioned: “One day the sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, and Satan also came among them.” Numerous commentaries of the Church Fathers were included in the Greek catena to the Book of Job. Some of these were not written specially as commentaries to this passage but are extracts from works commenting the nature of the angels, their place in God’s providence and their role in human life. The author then goes on to discuss the two Slavic translations that were made of the catena. The first one comprises the majority of the texts included in the Greek catena, while the second one contains only two small passages from commentaries of Saint John Chrysostom and Olympiodoros. The article provides a comparison between Slavic texts, which were translated from Greek in the Balkans at the same time: in the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century. Several miniatures from medieval Greek manuscripts, which illustrate the Celestial symposium, are represented at the end of the article. Niebiańskie sympozjum. Komentarze do Księgi Hioba (1, 6) w bizantyńskiej i słowiańskiej tradycjiWerset 1,6 Księgi Hioba jest jednym z wielu miejsc w Biblii, w którym wspomina się synów Bożych: „Zdarzyło się pewnego dnia, gdy synowie Boży udawali się, by stanąć przed Panem, że i szatan też poszedł z nimi”. Ogromna liczba komentarzy Ojców Kościoła do Księgi Hioba została zawarta w greckiej katenie. Niektóre z nich nie zostały napisane jako bezpo­średni komentarz do tego wersetu, lecz są wypisami z prac autorów, komentującymi naturę aniołów, ich miejsce w Bożej opatrzności, a także rolę w życiu ludzkim. Ponadto istniały dwa słowiańskie przekłady kateny. Pierwszy zawierał większość tekstów pochodzących z greckiej kateny, a drugi składał się zaledwie z dwóch passusów, będących wyimkami z komentarzy św. Jana Chryzostoma i Olimpiododrosa.W artykule porównano teksty słowiańskie, które zostały przetłumaczone z języka greckiego na Bałkanach w tym samym czasie: pod koniec wieku XIV lub na początku XV. W artykule przedstawiono również kilka miniatur pochodzących ze średniowiecznych greckich rękopisów, przedstawiających niebiańskie sympozjum.

Vox Patrum ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 225-245
Author(s):  
Sylwia Kaczmarek

Chrysostom`s Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles bring a vision for the Church that induced some scholars to think of his communist ideology. Other un­derline his pure stoic principles. Is it really so? The analysis of Homily 7, in which Saint John Chrysostom speaks about the Christian community in Jerusalem, shows that there is something more than the only economy that leads people to become brothers. There is something more than the only perfection of virtues that one should desire. There is also something more than the only demagogic influence of preacher that create the Christian community from the sinners who have crucified Christ. People have their role to play, but there is also someone else who makes the community grow.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 105-118
Author(s):  
Theodore Michael Christou

This article examines the homily titled Address on Vainglory, and the Right Way for Parents to Bring up their Children, concentrating upon the educational vision it expresses.  The text is attributed to John Chrysostom, Christian saint and fourth century Patriarch of Constantinople.  Uncertainty regarding the manuscript’s authenticity led to the exclusion of “Address on Vainglory” from most collections of John Chrysostom’s writings, which had seminal influence in a context when the church was united, and the homily has consequently received very limited attention.  Chrysostom earned the epithet "The Golden Mouthed” primarily by virtue of his training in rhetoric and his ability to translate the classical sources that he read into his own, Christian, context.  He argues that education must not only cultivate all the faculties of the student’s mind, but also prepare the child to live and act ethically in the world.  Chrysostom reconfigures this argument using the striking imagery of an Athlete for Christ, who cultivated not only the faculties of his mind, but also exercised those of the soul.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-315
Author(s):  
Jan Iluk

In 1CorHom, edited in the autumn and winter of 392 and 393 AD, John Chrysostom found a natural opportunity to return to his numerous utterances on the role of love in the lives of people. Obviously, the opportunity was the 13“ chapter of this Letter - The Song of Love. Among his works, we will find a few more smali works which were created with the intention of outlining the Christian ideał of love. Many of the contemporary monographs which were devoted to the ancient understanding of Christian „love” have the phrase „Eros and Agape” in their titles. In contemporary languages, this arrangement extends between sex and love. Both in the times of the Church Fathers (the 4th century AD) and currently, the distance between sex and love is measured by feelings, States and actions which are morę or less refined and noble. The awareness of the existence of many stops over this distance leads to the conviction that our lives are a search for the road to Agape. As many people are looking not so much for a shortcut but for a shorter route, John Chrysostom, like other Church Fathers, declared: the shortest route, because it is the most appropriate for this aim, is to live according to the Christian virtues that have been accumulated by the Christian politeia. There are to be found the fewest torments and disenchantments, although there are sacrifices. Evangelical politeia, the chosen and those who have been brought there will find love) - as a State of existence. In the earthly dimension, however, love appears as a causative force only in the circle of the Christian politeia. Obviously, just as in the heavenly politeia, the Christian politeia on earth is an open circle for everyone. As Chrysostom’s listeners and readers were not only Christians (in the multi-cultural East of the Roman Empire), and as the background of the principles presented in the homilies was the everyday life and customs of the Romans of the time, the ideał - dyam] - was placed by him in the context of diverse imperfections in the rangę and form of the feelings exhibited, which up to this day we still also cali love. It is true that love has morę than one name. By introducing the motif of love - into deliberations on the subject of the Christian politeia, John Chrysostom finds and indicates to the faithful the central force that shaped the ancient Church. This motif fills in the vision of the Heavenly Kingdom, explains to Christians the sense of life that is appropriate to them in the Roman community and explains the principles of organised life within the boundaries of the Church. It can come as no surprise that the result of such a narrative was Chrysostonfs conviction that love is „rationed”: Jews, pagans, Hellenes and heretics were deprived of it. In Chrysostonfs imagination, the Christian politeia has an earthly and a heavenly dimension. In the heavenly politeia, also called by him Chrisfs, the Lord’s or the


Philotheos ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 240-259
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Danilović ◽  

The story of David and Goliath is one of the most famous biblical stories. It had an impact on many branches of contemporary art. It is also an inevitable part of religious education and general education in all schools. Knowing the fact that the Church Fathers have an essential part in the lives of many Christians today (in the Orthodox Church, they were role models from the very beginning), it is interesting to see how did they, these original theologians, read and interpret the story of David and Goliath. Was it for them, in the time when the Bible was the most sacred book for all, important as it is for us today? Did people during the sports events of that time talk on the markets about the underdog who struck the giant? Additionally, if one looks at the ancient Greek and Hebrew text, one will find out that the Hebrew version, which was used as the source for most modern translations, is 40% longer than the Greek one. Could the works of the Fathers help us to determine which version of the story is the Holy Scripture for Christians today?


2021 ◽  
pp. 85-105
Author(s):  
Giuliana Di Biase

This chapter investigates the genesis and evolution of Locke’s idea of human life as a “state of mediocrity”. While this idea had ancient roots going back to the early Church fathers, it remained current in the seventeenth century where mediocrity was generally equated with a condition of partial ignorance and imperfection. Locke’s account of it is original; while life is a time of mediocrity, death opens the way to the extremes of eternal misery or eternal happiness. Initially, inspired by the Church fathers, Locke conceived of human life as a condition of intellectual mediocrity. Subsequently, and arguably prompted by his reading of the pessimistic outlooks of Nicole and Pascal, he redefined the state of mediocrity in more optimistic terms: humans are naturally suited to their mediocre state. A further development of his conception of mediocrity, again involving a partial rethinking of the human condition, can be found in the Essay, where Locke represents mediocrity as an imperfect state of insatiable desire. It is redeemed, however, by the ability of living human beings to attain perfect knowledge of morality.


Diacovensia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-651
Author(s):  
Wiesław Przygoda

Charity diaconia of the Church is not an accidental involvement but belongs to its fundamental missions. This thesis can be supported in many ways. The author of this article finds the source of the obligation of Christians and the whole Church community to charity service in the nature of God. For Christians God is Love (1 John 4, 8.16). Even though some other names can be found, (Jahwe , Elohim, Adonai), his principal name that encapsulates all other ones is Love. Simultaneously, God which is Love showed his merciful nature (misericordiae vultus) in the course of salvation. He did it in a historical, visible and optimal way through his Son, Jesus Christ through the embodied God’s Son, Jesus Christ, who loved the mankind so much that he sacrificed his life for us, being tortured and killed at the cross. This selfless love laid the foundations for the Church, which, in essence, is a community of loving human and God’s beings. Those who do not love, even though they joined the Church through baptism, technically speaking, do not belong to the Church since love is a real not a formal sign of belonging to Christ’s disciples (cf. John 13, 35). Therefore, charitable activity is a significant dimension of the Church’s mission as it is through charity that the Church shows the merciful nature of its Saviour. A question that needs to be addressed may be expressed as follows: in what way the image of God, who is love, implies an involvement in charity of an individual and the Church? An answer may be found in the Bible, writings of the Church Fathers of and the documents of Magisterium Ecclesiae and especially the teachings of Pope Benedict XVI and Pope Francis.


Traditio ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas P. Halton

Montfaucon's edition of St. John Chrysostom and Migne's Patrologia after him put among the dubia six sermons De fato et providentia (Πεϱὶ εἱμαϱμένης τε ϰαὶ πϱονοίας). In the Admonitio we read: ‘Et vero cum de fato Chrysostomus disserit, alio orationis utitur modo: unde forte nascatur quaedam νοθείας suspicio.’ Henry Savile, in his edition (1612), rejected the view of Fronton du Duc, who had written of these orations: ‘Videntur concionum a Chrysostomo habitarum ἀπανθίσματα potius et florilegia, seu morales digressiones, quam integrae homiliae: necdum tamen areolae et loca unde sunt decerptae, nobis occurrerunt.’ Savile's rejection reads: ‘Non assentior Frontoni Ducaeo has πεϱί πϱονοίας orationes ἀπανθίσματα esse: neque enim memini ea quae hic afferuntur alibi apud hunc nostrum legisse eodem modo dicta.’


1980 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel B. Sinclair

One of the main issues in almost every treatment of abortion in Jewish Law is the legal basis for its prohibition. The recent trend in Rabbinic literature to categorise abortion as a form of homicide, proscribed by Biblical law, seems to constitute a break with the classical Rabbinic view, according to which abortion is neither homicide, nor directly prohibited in the major literary sources of Jewish Law, i.e. the Bible and the Talmud. Moreover, in the few instances in which abortion is discussed in these sources, it would seem that no such prohibition exists.This article will analyse the Biblical and Talmudic passages which deal with abortion, and survey the various Rabbinic opinions as to the legal basis for its prohibition. Particular attention will be paid to the argument that abortion is a biblically-proscribed form of homicide, and to the reasons which may underlie the adoption of that argument by a number of authorities in recent times. We will also analyse the significance in Jewish Law of the stages of foetal development.Our analysis will be both historical and normative, and in this context it will be a valuable exercise to compare the position in Jewish Law to that in the Canon Law of the Church of Rome. Although the Church Fathers held that abortion was a form of homicide, and the contemporary position of the Catholic Church reflects this attitude strictly and unswervingly, the Medieval Canonists adopted the distinction between the formed and the unformed foetus, based on a tradition derived from the Septuagint version of the Biblical passage dealing with the consequences of striking a pregnant woman (Ex. 21:22–23).


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