scholarly journals Desenvolvimentismo, Industrialização e Ensino Superior em Chapecó: bases para a criação de um movimento estudantil

Author(s):  
Vinícius De Almeida Peres ◽  
Monica Hass

RESUMO: O artigo tem por objetivo apresentar a ligação entre expansão/interiorização do ensino e projeto desenvolvimentista, problematizar os interesses que influenciaram a implementação do ensino superior no município de Chapecó e apontar a formação de um movimento estudantil no CES/Fundeste junto a algumas de suas demandas e lutas. A análise terá como foco as décadas de 1960 e 1970, utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. Constata-se que a educação foi uma área estratégica para o projeto desenvolvimentista, agindo simultaneamente em duas frentes, uma em favor do capital e outra que busca reduzir problemas socias. Por sua vez, o movimento estudantil do CES/Fundeste, mesmo em estruturação, pôde gerar benefícios para o ensino superior e para o município. Palavras-Chave: Desenvolvimentismo; CES/Fundeste de Chapecó; Movimento Estudantil.     ABSTRACT: The article aims to present the link between expansion / internalization of teaching and developmentalist project, to problematize the interests that influenced the implementation of higher education in the municipality of Chapecó and to point out the formation of a student movement at CES / Fundeste along some of its demands and fights. The analysis will focus on the 1960s and 1970s, using bibliographical and documentary research. It has been observed that education was a strategic area for the developmentalist project, acting simultaneously on two fronts, one in favor of capital and another that seeks to reduce social problems. In turn, the CES / Fundeste student movement, even in structuring, could generate benefits for higher education and for the municipality. Keywords: Developmental; CES/Fundeste in Chapecó; Student Movement.

2020 ◽  
pp. 144-168
Author(s):  
John W. Compton

This chapter examines the founding and rise to prominence of Christianity Today, the most important religious magazine of the 1960s and 1970s. It details the magazine’s founding by the revivalist Billy Graham and his father-in-law L. Nelson Bell, both of whom envisioned a periodical that would target ministers with a mix of theological content and conservative political commentary. With financial backing from J. Howard Pew and long list of conservative businessmen, the magazine soon outpaced its liberal rivals; and under the editorial guidance of Carl Henry, a noted theologian, it developed a novel critique of mainline religious authority that may well have exacerbated the divide between mainline elites and average churchgoers. Yet Henry’s insistence that evangelicals were obligated take notice of social problems such as racial discrimination ultimately created an inbridgable rift between the magazine’s editor and its financial backers, and in 1967 Henry was forced to relinquish his post.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-91
Author(s):  
Richard Johnson

English higher education, like other parts of the public sector and higher education in other countries, is currently undergoing considerable change as it is being restructured as if it were a market in which universities, departments and academics compete against one another. This restructuring is producing new processes of subjectivity that discipline those who work and study in higher education institutions. Feminist poststructuralists have suggested that this restructuring is enabled partly through new forms of accountability that seemingly offer the 'carrot' of self-realisation alongside the 'stick' of greater management surveillance of the burgeoning number of tasks that academics, amongst others, must perform. This paper, located in the context of these changes, builds on Judith Butler's insight that processes of subjection to the dominant order through which the self is produced entail both mastery and subjection. That is, submission requires mastery of the underlying assumptions of the dominant order, In this paper I adopt an auto/biographical method and a critique of abstract social theories to explore how the neoliberal restructuring of universities interacts with the gender order. Many universities are being remoulded as businesses for other businesses, with profound effects on internal relations, the subjectivities of academics and students, and practices of education and scholarship. Yet I doubt if we can understand this, nor resist the deep corruption, through grasping neoliberalism's dynamics alone. A longer memory and a more concrete analysis are needed. Today's intense individualisation impacts on pre-existing social relations, which inflect it unpredictably. From my own experience, I evoke the baseline of an older academy, gender-segregated, explicitly patriarchal and privileged in class and ethnic terms. I stress the feminist and democratic gains of the 1960s and 1970s. I sketch the (neoliberal) strategies that undermine or redirect them. I write this, hoping that the next episode can be written differently.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Nelson

This chapter explores the defining events and leaders in American higher education during the past 75 years. Special attention is directed at the defining events and leaders of the 1960s and 1970s that have shaped so much of the current landscape of higher education. The chapter begins by exploring the idea of a 'career president', a recent trend during the past four or five decades, and includes both influential leaders who have spent significant time at one institution, to those who move to different institutions throughout their career entirely in the role of president. The chapter concludes by offering critical questions about the future of the academy.


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-42
Author(s):  
Samuel O. Atteh

Africa is experiencing an educational crisis of unprecedented proportions in higher education. Having been hailed in the 1960s as agent of modernization, social mobilization, and economic growth, most African universities are now tumbling down under the pressures of diminishing financial resources. From all indications, Africa is lagging behind other developing regions in terms of public expenditures particularly on education, availability of educational facilities, equal access to education, adequate pools of qualified teachers, and sufficient numbers of professionals and skilled workers. Pertinent data show that most African governments in the 1960s and 1970s made comparable progressive accomplishments in higher education. However, these accomplishments steadily disappeared in the 1980s. What went wrong in the 1980s? Why is higher education now such a convenient target for African leaders/governments, when pressured to trim their overextended public sector? To what extent is the lack of multiparty democracies affecting the deteriorating state of higher education in Africa? Is the declining importance attached to education in sub-Saharan Africa a reflection of the lack of education among Africa’s tyrannical rulers, hence the low appreciation of education? What role did the foreign financial institutions play in the African educational system? How can we turn the educational crisis around? These questions not only address African educational issues but also help us to explain the scope of this crisis. In a comparative analysis, this study describes the main African higher educational problems, identifies the root causes of the problems, and finally examines the implications for the twenty-first century.


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel O. Atteh

Africa is experiencing an educational crisis of unprecedented proportions in higher education. Having been hailed in the 1960s as agent of modernization, social mobilization, and economic growth, most African universities are now tumbling down under the pressures of diminishing financial resources. From all indications, Africa is lagging behind other developing regions in terms of public expenditures particularly on education, availability of educational facilities, equal access to education, adequate pools of qualified teachers, and sufficient numbers of professionals and skilled workers. Pertinent data show that most African governments in the 1960s and 1970s made comparable progressive accomplishments in higher education. However, these accomplishments steadily disappeared in the 1980s. What went wrong in the 1980s? Why is higher education now such a convenient target for African leaders/governments, when pressured to trim their overextended public sector? To what extent is the lack of multiparty democracies affecting the deteriorating state of higher education in Africa? Is the declining importance attached to education in sub-Saharan Africa a reflection of the lack of education among Africa’s tyrannical rulers, hence the low appreciation of education? What role did the foreign financial institutions play in the African educational system? How can we turn the educational crisis around? These questions not only address African educational issues but also help us to explain the scope of this crisis. In a comparative analysis, this study describes the main African higher educational problems, identifies the root causes of the problems, and finally examines the implications for the twenty-first century.


2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dongbin Kim ◽  
John L. Rury

The 1947 President's Commission on Higher Education, popularly known as the Truman Commission, offered a remarkable vision, one of an expansive, inclusive and diverse system of postsecondary education in the United States. It appeared just as hundreds of thousands of former GIs poured onto the nation's campuses, taking advantage of a little heralded program to provide tuition and other benefits to veterans of the recently concluded World War II. As it turned out, both of these events signaled the beginning of a remarkable period of expansion in higher education. The postwar years have been described as the third great period of growth in the history of American education, a development that took decades to unfold. While the Commission suggested that nearly half of the nation's youth could benefit from collegiate education, it limited its projections to just thirteen years (to 1960). In fact, it took more than twice as long to approach such high levels of popular participation in higher education, and the most dramatic growth occurred in the 1960s and 1970s. In other respects, however, the President's commissioners' projections for change in enrollment patterns look remarkably prescient in retrospect. Even if they missed the timing of college growth and the significant role women played in it, their report still managed to anticipate a very broad process of change. By 1980 the collegiate student population had come to embody much of the inclusiveness and diversity that they had envisaged some thirty-three years earlier.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-70
Author(s):  
Harry L. Simón Salazar

The political communication of the Chicana/o student movement of the 1960s and 1970s took place primarily through various forms of print media, with campus based student newspapers figuring prominently within that particular historical moment. At their peak, at least 48 Chicana/o student newspapers were produced on campuses throughout the country, marking these publications as both the principal and ideal format through which the flow of cultural and political information was channeled between movement publics, both on and off college campuses. Yet, the history of these publications has not been thoroughly documented, nor has the discursive legacy of this form of communicative resistance been fully examined. This paper provides a brief history of the emergence and significance of these student newspapers on campuses across the United States, focusing on how campus activists established this form of community media to help advocate on behalf of Chicana/o students and their broader publics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 90-109
Author(s):  
Aurora Morcillo

This article focuses on the repression of the student movement in the University of Granada during the state of exception of 1970. It relates the experiences of two students, Socorro and Jesus, a couple who joined the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and suffered persecution and imprisonment. The Francoist university was governed by the University Regulatory Law (URL, University Regulatory Law) issued in 1943, which was replaced with the promulgation of the General Law of Education in 1970. As I explained in my previous work, the Catholic national rhetoric of the Franco regime forged an ideal "True Catholic Woman" based on the resurgence of the values ​​of purity and subordination of the 16th century counter reform as proposed by Luis Vives in The Instruction of the Christian Woman (1523) and Fray Luis de León in The Perfect Wife (1583). This ideal of a woman came to contradict the ideal of an intellectual built on the letter of the Ley de Ordenación Universitaria (1943). The transition to the consumer economy in the 1950s with the military and economic aid of the United States, as well as the social Catholicism of the Second Vatican Council in the sixties along with the arrival of tourism and emigration to Europe changed the social fabric and opened the doors of the classrooms to an increasing number of women, especially in the humanities careers of Philosophy and Letters. Through the analysis of interviews conducted in the late 1980s with two people who participated in the clandestine student movement, this article explores how young people transgressed the official discourse on the Catholic ideal of women, claimed the university environment for the working class and created a neutral space in terms of gender in which they could achieve their commitment to study, democratic freedom and feminism.


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