scholarly journals Nie-egte vrae in 1 Korintiërs 5–6

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas H. Snyman

In tradisionele grammatikas en kommentare word gewoonlik net onderskei tussen egte en retoriese vrae. In hierdie artikel word nie-egte vrae geklassifiseer aan die hand van ’n model wat ontwikkel is uit die taalhandelingsteorie. In plaas van alle nie-egte vrae as retoriese vrae te beskou (soos die meeste kommentators doen), maak die model voorsiening vir ses hoof- en verskeie subkategorieë van nie-egte vrae. Die model word kortliks opgesom, gevolg deur ’n sistematiese ondersoek van al die vrae in 1 Korintiërs 5–6. Die slotsom is dat die voorgestelde model nuttig is vir die onderskeiding van verskillende soorte nie-egte vrae binne ’n wetenskaplike raamwerk en vir die bepaling van hulle kommunikatiewe funksies. Op dié wyse word ’n bydrae gelewer tot die vertaling en eksegese van die betrokke gedeeltes. Die model behoort navorsing oor die rol van nie-egte vrae in al Paulus se briewe te stimuleer.Non-real questions in 1 Corinthians 5–6. In this article, questions previously distinguished in traditional grammars and commentaries as mainly real or rhetorical, are classified in terms of a model developed from speech act theory. Instead of classifying all non-real questions as rhetorical questions (as commentators tend to do), the model makes provision for six main and various sub-categories of non-real questions. The model is briefly summarised, followed by a systematic investigation of all the questions in 1 Corinthians 5–6. The conclusion is that the proposed model is useful for distinguishing various types of non-real questions within a scientific framework and for determining their communicative functions, thereby contributing to the translation and exegesis of the passages involved. The model could stimulate research on the role of non-real questions in all Paul’s letters.

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas H. Snyman

1 Korintiërs 7–8 en 10:1–11:1 is deel van Paulus se antwoord op ’n brief wat hy van die Korintiërs ontvang het (7:1). Die twee gedeeltes handel oor die huwelik en afgodery, meer spesifiek die eet van vleis in heidense tempels. In sy antwoord gebruik hy ’n aantal vrae wat in kommentare bloot as retoriese vrae beskryf word. Die doel van hierdie artikel is om hierdie vrae fyner te onderskei aan die hand van ’n model wat uit die taalhandelingsteorie ontwikkel is. Die model word kortliks opgesom, gevolg deur ’n sistematiese ondersoek van al die vrae in hierdie twee gedeeltes. Die gevolgtrekking is dat die noemer ‘retoriese vraag’ ’n oorvereenvoudiging is, wat nie reg laat geskied aan die wyse waarop Paulus verskillende soorte vrae gebruik om die impak van sy antwoord aan die Korintiërs te verhoog nie. Deur die vrae te onderskei en binne ’n wetenskaplike raamwerk te beskryf, is ook ’n poging om ’n bydrae tot die vertaling en eksegese van die betrokke gedeeltes te lewer.1 Corinthians 7–8 and 10:1–11:1 form part of Paul’s response to a letter from the Corinthians, refered to in 7:1. These two sections deal with matters on marriage and idolatry, specifically that of eating meat in pagan temples. In Paul’s response he uses a number of questions, which all commentaries simply describe as rhetorical questions. The purpose of this article is to distinguish these questions more clearly on the basis of a model, developed from speech act theory. The model is briefly summarised, followed by a systematic examination of all the questions in these two sections. The conclusion is that the denominator ‘rhetorical question’ is an oversimplification that does not do justice to the way in which Paul uses various types of questions to enhance the impact of his response to the Corinthians. By distinguishing and describing these questions within a scientific framework, an attempt was also made to contribute to the translation and exegesis of the passages involved.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Clara Unoalegie Bola AGBARA

Linguists have identified three major sentence types namely; declaratives, imperatives and interrogatives, which feature in most communication situations, whether formal or non-formal. These sentences which perform specific communicative functions, such as giving out information, giving out command/order, and requesting for information, have unique structures respectively. These functions are sometimes, manipulated to meet speakers’ situational intentions. Legislative discourse is characterized by participants who are of opposing views and yet, need to arrive at a collective decision. Arriving at a collective decision requires convincing information which will assist the participants in decision making. In the bid to provide information as well as to influence co-participants, most speakers punctuate their utterances with interrogative sentences. This paper focuses on the pragmatic functions of some non-verbal response interrogatives in legislative discourse. Using Searle’s Speech Act Theory as well as insights from literature on grammar, this paper sets out to describe the illocutionary acts performed with some interrogative sentences in legislative debates. The data used for the research are taken from the Senate Hansards of the sixth National Assembly.  It was discovered that most non-verbal response interrogative sentences (rhetorical questions) are used to perform three illocutionary acts of representative, directive and expressive acts in legislative debates. The paper concludes that rhetorical sentences are important persuasive tools which influence the emotional and reasoning capacities of participants in arriving at a collective decision in legislative debates. They also have the pragmatic force of emphasis, regrets, objections and appeal.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Marco Pinfari

This chapter presents basic definitions, operational assumptions, and the key literature that form the basis for the analysis of “terrorists as monsters” in this book. It begins by discussing the concept of terrorism, drawing from speech-act theory but also arguing that linguistic conventions alone cannot explain the emotional appeal that can be associated with the use of monsters as political metaphors. It then elaborates on the role of culture in shaping the metaphorical use of monstrosity, before introducing and discussing in depth the concept of “archetypal metaphor”—which serves as the basis for explaining the different functions that monster metaphors play in framing and presenting performatively terrorist acts. The following sections then discuss the logic of “terrorizing” and the nature of terrorism as performance. The final part of the chapter summarizes the main themes and content of the book.


2019 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-418
Author(s):  
Claudia Bianchi

According to Mitchell Green, speech act theory traditionally idealizes away from crucial aspects of conversational contexts, including those in which the speaker’s social position affects the possibility of her performing certain speech acts. In recent times, asymmetries in communicative situations have become a lively object of study for linguists, philosophers of language and moral philosophers: several scholars view hate speech itself in terms of speech acts, namely acts of subordination (acts establishing or reinforcing unfair hierarchies). The aim of this paper is to address one of the main objections to accounts of hate speech in terms of illocutionary speech acts, that is the Authority Problem. While the social role of the speaker is the focus of several approaches (Langton 2018a, 2018b; Maitra 2012; Kukla 2014; Green 2014, 2017a, 2017b), the social role of the audience has too often been neglected. The author will show that not only must the speaker have a certain kind of standing or social position in order to perform speech acts of subordination, but also the audience must typically have a certain kind of standing or social position in order to either license or object to the speaker’s authority, and her acts of subordination.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Austin Leeds ◽  
Mary Lee A. Jensvold

Speech act theory describes units of language as acts which function to change the behavior or beliefs of the partner. Therefore, with every utterance an individual seeks a communicative goal that is the underlying motive for the utterance’s production; this is the utterance’s function. Studies of deaf and hearing human children classify utterances into categories of communicative function. This study classified signing chimpanzees’ utterances into the categories used in human studies. The chimpanzees utilized all seven categories of communicative functions and used them in ways that resembled human children. The chimpanzees’ utterances functioned to answer questions, request objects and actions, describe objects and events, make statements about internal states, accomplish tasks such as initiating games, protest interlocutor behavior, and as conversational devices to maintain and initiate conversation.


2006 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-140
Author(s):  
Robin Melrose

Robert Browning’s so-called dramatic lyric ‘My Last Duchess’ has been interpreted differently by different critics, some seeing the Duke as shrewd and others seeing him as witless. This article attempts to account for these differing interpretations by analysing indeterminacies in the language of the poem. Starting out with the work of Derrida on speech act theory, and findings on the role of the right hemisphere in language processing, it goes on to propose techniques of linguistic analysis based on systemic-functional linguistics and the concept of particle-waves of language first discussed in Melrose (1996). The article then analyses a number of these so-called particle-waves in ‘My Last Duchess’, and concludes that opposing interpretations of the Duke can be traced to the indeterminacies of language in the particle-waves.


Author(s):  
Mary Kate McGowan

It is familiar from speech act theory how saying so can make it so. When the C.E.O. declares that no more overtime will be approved, for example, the C.E.O. thereby enacts a new company policy; her words effect an immediate change to the norms and policies operative in that company. Clearly, speech can enact facts about what is permissible and the familiar way for speech to do this is via an exercise of speaker authority. In this essay, though, I argue for a different way that speech enacts permissibility facts. Starting in the kinematics (i.e. the mechanics) of conversation, I first argue that conversational contributions routinely enact norms for the very conversation to which they contribute. I then argue that this phenomenon generalizes in a way that illuminates the crucial role of speech in enacting and perpetuating social hierarchy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Howell ◽  
Melanie Richter-Montpetit

This article provides the first excavation of the foundational role of racist thought in securitization theory. We demonstrate that Copenhagen School securitization theory is structured not only by Eurocentrism but also by civilizationism, methodological whiteness, and antiblack racism. Classic securitization theory advances a conceptualization of ‘normal politics’ as reasoned, civilized dialogue, and securitization as a potential regression into a racially coded uncivilized ‘state of nature’. It justifies this through a civilizationist history of the world that privileges Europe as the apex of civilized ‘desecuritization’, sanitizing its violent (settler-) colonial projects and the racial violence of normal liberal politics. It then constructs a methodologically and normatively white framework that uses speech act theory to locate ‘progress’ towards normal politics and desecuritization in Europe, making becoming like Europe a moral imperative. Using ostensibly neutral terms, securitization theory prioritizes order over justice, positioning the securitization theorist as the defender of (white) ‘civilized politics’ against (racialized) ‘primal anarchy’. Antiblackness is a crucial building-block in this conceptual edifice: securitization theory finds ‘primal anarchy’ especially in ‘Africa’, casting it as an irrationally oversecuritized foil to ‘civilized politics’. We conclude by discussing whether the theory, or even just the concept of securitization, can be recuperated from these racist foundations.


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