Sacred descent and Sufi legitimation in a genealogical text from eighteenth-century Central Asia: The Sharaf Atāī tradition in Khwārazm

2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott C. Levi

AbstractThe Khanate of Khoqand emerged, flourished and collapsed during the era of Chinese and Russian imperial expansion into Central Asia. While eighteenth-century Central Asia has long been considered to have been an unimportant backwater ‘on the margins of world history’, this essay juxtaposes focused research in local primary sources with a world historical perspective in an effort to illuminate some of the ways in which the region remained interactively engaged with its neighbours and, through them, with historical processes unfolding across the globe. The essay argues that these interactions were substantial, and that they contributed to Khoqand’s emergence as a significant regional power and centre of Islamic cultural activity in pre-colonial Central Asia.


OcMaHCKoe 3aBOeBaHИe apaбcKИx cTpaH 1516-1574 (Osmanskoe zavoevanie arabskikh stran 1516-1574 / Ottoman conquest of the Arab countries, 1516-1574), by Nikolai Alekseevich Ivanov. 238 pages. Nauka, Moscow1984. 2 rubles, 50 kopecks. - ApaбcKИe ИCTOɥHИKИ XII-XIII BeKOB no 9THOгpaфИИ И ИCTOPИИ AфPИKИ южHee CaxapLI (Arabskie istochniki XII-XIII vekov po etnografii i istorii Afriki iuznee Sakhary / Arabic sources on the ethnography and history of Africa south of the Sahara, twelfth and thirteenth centuries), edited and translated by V. V. Matveev L. E. Kubbel, [and M. A. Tolmacheva]. Nauka, Leningrad, 1985. 288 pages. 3 rubles, 50 kopecks. - PoccИя И OcMaHCKaя ИMпepИя B MeждyHapoдHbIx OTHoШeHИяX B cepeдИHe XVIII Beica (1739-1756) (Rossi i Osmanska imperi v mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniiakh v seredine XVIII veka [1739-1756] / Russia and the Ottoman Empire in international relations in the middle of the eighteenth century), by Rumiana Mikhneva. 184 pages. Nauka, Moscow1985. 1 ruble, 30 kopecks. - TypeцKaя цyблИцИCTИKa эпoxИ peфopM B OcMaHCKOИ ИMпepИИ (KOHeц, XVIII-Haчaлo XX BB.) (Turetska publitsistika epokhi reform v Osmanskoi imperii [konets XVIII-nachalo XX vv.] / The work of Turkish publicists in the age of reform in the Ottoman Empire), by Iurii Ashotovich Petrosian. 144 pages. Nauka, Moscow1985. 1 ruble, 30 kopecks. - ApMяHCKИe ИCTOчHИKИ o CpeдHeИ AзИИ VIII-XVIII BB. (Armyanskie istochniki o Srednei Azii VIII-XVIII vv. / Armenian Sources on Central Asia from the eighth to the eighteenth centuries), by Loretta Khristoforovna Ter-Mkrtichian. 190 pages. Nauka, Moscow1985. 1 ruble, 10 kopecks.

1987 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-119
Author(s):  
Daniel Clarke Waugh

1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-548 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Levi

AbstractThis work challenges the widely accepted notion that eighteenth-century Central Asia was economically isolated and culturally stagnant. The author augments recent scholarly achievements with research in primary sources to demonstrate that, throughout the eighteenth century, Central Asia continued to function as an important conduit for overland Eurasian commerce. Available evidence suggests that Central Asia's role in Eurasian commerce during this period was, indeed, transformed by changing Eurasian commercial dynamics. This work argues, however, that rather than being a product of the European Companies' domination of commercial activities in the Indian Ocean, these transformations stemmed from Russia's emergence as an important economic and military power in the region and a corresponding increase in Russian demand for Indian cotton and textiles, largely acquired through the mediation of Central Asian caravan merchants. Whereas these transformations may have resulted in economic decline for some parts of Central Asia, they may also be attributed with intensifying economic activity in other, previously peripheral areas.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-431
Author(s):  
Sharmila Sen

In 1529, Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur, descendant of the Timurid dynasty and founder of the Mughal empire, wept at the sight of melons. A mere fruit had reminded Babur of the homeland he had left behind in central Asia. In a letter to Khwaja Kalan, the emperor writes of the drudgeries of a ruler in a foreign land, who is forced to do without the tastes of home: “How can one forget the pleasures of that country? . . . Recently a melon was brought, and as I cut it and ate it I was oddly affected. I wept the whole time I was eating it” (423). The Baburnama, a personal record of the establishment of a new empire in the subcontinent, might seem like an unusual place to begin an essay on Victorian India. But Babur's nostalgia for the home left behind in Samarkand poignantly anticipates some of the hidden longings of the British as Company Raj gave way to Crown Raj in India. While the East India Company attempted to oust the Mughal rulers between the second half of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century, after India was incorporated into the Empire, the British would also attempt to don the mantle of the Mughals. On 1 November 1858, when India officially became part of Queen Victoria's Empire, the British inherited the Mughal's melons. Whether it was roast beef or mulligatawny, a pint of pale ale or a chhota peg, the British discovered their own versions of Babur's melons over time – an idea of homeland contained in a mouthful.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-102
Author(s):  
Daniel Beben

Abstract This paper is a study of the Kalām-i pīr, a text on religious doctrine preserved among the Ismaʿili Shiʿi community of the Badakhshan region of Central Asia, attributed to the fifth/eleventh-century Ismaʿili author Nāṣir-i Khusraw. An edition and translation of this work was first published by Wladimir Ivanow, who judged it to be a ‘forgery’ by the tenth/sixteenth-century Ismaʿili missionary Khayrkhwāh Harātī. Ivanow concluded that while the text overall holds value as a specimen of Ismaʿili doctrinal writing, its first chapter, which purports to be an autobiographical account of its reputed author, Nāṣir-i Khusraw, is an irrelevant appendage to the work. Since then, Ivanow’s interpretation has remained broadly authoritative within the field. In recent years, however, multiple new manuscripts of the work and a range of related materials have come to light, indicating the need for a thorough re-evaluation of the text and its history. In this article I demonstrate that Harātī had no role in the development of the Kalām-i pīr and that its production should be dated to the eighteenth century, rather than the sixteenth. Furthermore, I argue that the attribution to Nāṣir-i Khusraw, elaborated in the first chapter, is not incidental to the text, but central to understanding its significance within the Ismaʿili tradition of Central Asia. The text must be considered within the context of the history of Badakhshan in the eighteenth century, which saw an energetic expansion of the Ismaʿili mission (daʿwa) in the region and the development of a competitive hagiographical tradition connected with Nāṣir-i Khusraw among various constituencies. This re-evaluation of the Kalām-i pīr demonstrates the need for a revision of the broader framework by which we understand both the legacy of Nāṣir-i Khusraw and the historical development of the Ismaʿili daʿwa in Central Asia.


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