The New World From an American Viewpoint

Мир меняется, время доминирования Америки проходит. Россия, Китай и Штаты вступают в новые взаимоотношения. Природа технологий и инвестиций определяет никогда ранее в истории не встречавшиеся критерии социального, политического и военного превосходства. Технические возможности растут вне зависимости от роста моральной ответственности.Притязания Америки на лидерскую позицию подвергаются сомнению, в тот же момент, когда сомнению подвергается и власть внутри страны. Статус России, как одной из крупнейших военных держав, оспаривается. Стремление Китая к господству наталкивается на внутренние преграды — зависимость от импорта ресурсов, реакцию инициативы «Один пояс и один путь», экономическое давление. Основополагающий принцип доминирования демократического устройства общества под вопросом из-за повсеместного распространения авторитарных форм правления.Планирование стабильного развития перешло в разряд категорий теории сложности.Новые задачи -- контроль климата, пандемия, кибер-угрозы, негосударственные террористические группировки, внутренние экономические раздоры -- вместе не позволяют выработать действующий сценарий стабильного развития.Традиционные политические, экономические и религиозные учения не дают ответы на заданные обществом вопросы.В статье обсуждаются эти факторы и описываются сложности, с которыми сталкиваются Россия, Китай и Соединенные Штаты. As the world shifts from an American-dominated presence, the roles of Russia, China and the US enter a new relationship. The nature of technology and investment will determine social, political, and military power, in a form not previously viewed in history.Technological capability develops at an unrelated pace to moral considerations.American assumptions of continuing world leadership are being challenged at the very moment when internal American governance is being challenged.Russian desires to remain an international force are questioned in many quarters.Chinese desires for world leadership face internal issues of resource dependency, reaction to the Belt and Road Initiatives, and economic pressures. The basic issue of democratic governance is under threat from growing worldwide authoritarianism.Planning for stability has entered a realm of complexity theory, with challenges such as climate control, pandemics, cyber threats, terrorism by non-state actors,and growing internal economic divisions do not allow a clear theory for guaranteed growth and abundance.Traditional political, religious and economic theories have not provided answers to a world which seeks solutions.The article discusses these factors and describes the difficulties facing Russia, China, and the United States.

Humanitarian assistance and disaster relief in the perspective of Indonesia Defense Policy

The development and progression in humankind’s understanding of the world and life, ensured a continuous evolution in the response to events threatening our livelihoods. Humankind also developed techniques to deal with natural hazards, either by aiming to contain the forces of nature, or by altering human own behavior. The humanitarian assistance and disaster relief are crucially important in order to protect the nations. This research employed literature review method. The results showed that every nation should prepare and manage their capabilities in Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR), both in protection for own countries or in providing aids for the others. Military Operation Other Than War (MOOTW) does not involve the use or threat of violence but prioritizes the provision of HADR. In MOOTW, military forces synergize with other institutions/organizations, especially those related to diplomacy, economy, government, even politics and religion. Moreover, in handling disasters, especially in Indonesia, the combination between civilians and the military is crucial in realizing Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC) and Civil-Military Coordination (CMCoord). Under certain mechanism, the military power is only used to support civilian institution in HADR.

Kings of Chaldea and Sons of Nobodies: Assyrian Engagement with Chaldea and the Emergence of Chaldean Power in Babylonia

From the ninth century until the last quarter of the seventh century BCE, the Assyrian Empire first extended its power over Babylonia and then engaged in a prolonged effort to retain control. The patchwork nature of Babylonian society—divided as it was between the traditional urban centers, territories controlled by five distinct Chaldean tribes, and regions inhabited by Aramaean tribes—presented opportunities and challenges for Assyria as it sought to assert its dominance. Assyrian interactions with the Chaldean tribes of Babylonia redefined the Chaldeans’ place within power relationships in southern Mesopotamia. Starting in 878, Assyria first perceived Chaldean territory as distinct from what they defined as Karduniaš, the land ruled by the king of Babylon. Shalmaneser III exploited and accentuated this division by recognizing the Chaldean leaders as kings and accepting their tribute even as he concluded a treaty with the Babylonian king, Marduk-zakir-shumi I. By decentralizing power in Babylonia, Assyria was able to assert indirect control over Babylonia. However, periods of Assyrian weakness created opportunities for several Chaldeans—drawing upon the economic and military power they could muster—to claim the title of king of Babylon with all the accompanying ideological power. These new developments prompted Assyria under the Sargonids to create counter-narratives that questioned the legitimacy of Chaldeans as kings of Babylon by presenting them as strange and inimical to the Assyrian order even as Assyrian interactions with the Chaldeans improved Assyrian familiarity with them.

How Does Japan Perceives China as an Adversary?

A China-Japan grim relationship has been marked by conflicts, and other political security tensions for a long time. One of which is the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute occurring since 2012, it will become an issue for both countries that is difficult to be ironed out. The dispute has occurred since the Japanese government nationalized the islets, which China also claimed. It led to both countries' expansion of military power and a clash in East Asia. This essay aims to analyze how Japan perceives China by focusing on the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute. This article argues Japan perceives China as a threat due to China’s military penetration over Diaoyu/Senkaku islands leading to a strategic distrust of Japan and its uncertain behavior as an international relations actor led to a moral distrust of Japan. This phenomenon will likely raise the tension in the region and enhance the escalation possibility due to the security dilemma effect.

The Strategy of Power Politics of the Philippines in Facing China in the South China Sea Conflict

The South China Sea conflict has involved many parties, including the Philippines. In defending one of the most strategic islands, the Spratly Islands, the Philippines has exerted its hard power by increasing its military power strategy. By engaging the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and working with the U.S., the Philippines can increase its military power. The prior studies have only explored how the dispute in SCS is caused by maritime growth, and some have found the effective way to solve the issue is from the liberal perspective. This study uses a power politics approach to the Philippines' strategy to defend the Spratly Islands and its surroundings in the South China Sea dispute. It analyzes the Philippines' interests in the Spratly islands. The research was conducted using qualitative methods through literature study, and the data were analyzed, then described to obtain a complete picture of the answers to the problems studied. This finding explores how the Philippines' defense strategy works and how it is generated. The results of this study indicate that the defense strategy in the Spratly Islands is generated by the national interests of the Philippines, especially in the economic field.

Transnational Politics in Video Games

Political claims about the real world are abundant in video games, and the medium persuades uniquely through procedural rhetoric, the rules of behavior contained in computational code. The transnational scope of the video game industry makes it productive ground for interrogating how a game’s persuasion might influence international audiences with nationally situated politics. The 2012 third-person shooter Spec Ops: The Line, produced by the German studio Yager Development, depicts the international concern of a fictional conflict in the Middle East and the atrocities of failed military intervention. The game’s core procedural rhetoric, which tasks players to push ahead at all costs, cautions an international audience about the futility of deploying military power abroad, a warning that mirrors particularly German political anxieties. The game’s depiction of extreme violence—and the player’s participation in it—raises further questions about the cultural status of the medium in the country and abroad.

В поисках выхода из политического кризиса в Калмыцком ханстве: организация убийства Нитар-Дорджи в 1725 г.

Introduction. The article deals with the 1725 assassination of Nitar-Dorji, a significant political event in the Kalmyk Khanate’s history that so far has not been investigated in detail. The article aims at introducing new archival material devoted to the period of Kalmyk Khan Tseren-Donduk’ rule (1724–1735). The database of the research is formed of the material kept in the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia, fonds I-36. In particular, ”Zhurnal po kalmytskim delam” (A Journal of Kalmyk Affairs) includes reports and messages of A. P. Volynsky, the Astrakhan governor, under the title ”Quarrels and Feuds that took place between Kalmyk owners”. Results. Nitar-Dorji’s anti-Russian actions, such as beating of the translator V. Bakunin, threats to assassinate Volynsly, his plans to escape to Kuban, etc. were the reasons that provoked his murder. Conclusion. Its organization involved participants at every level, while the act itself was seen as the least harmful method of solving the political crisis in the Kalmyk Khanate. Nitar-Dorji’s assassination was initiated by the Kalmyk side, while the Astrakhan governor was not wholly against his arrest. Dosang advocated the ”neutralization” of his rebellious younger brother, because the taishi himself was seeking to repair his relations with the Russian government and with Tseren-Donduk’s party who insisted on using military power to solve the conflict between the Kalmyk taishi.